Andrea Dania (1775 – 1822), was an Italian soldier, Philhellene and one of the pioneers of the Regular Army in Greece, a heroic figure in the battle of Peta.

He was born in Ovada, Genoa. His parents were Francesco di Domenico Dania and Francesca Maria Beraldi, while his uncle was Angelo Vincenzo Dania, a cardinal and member of the Dominican Monastic Order[1].

The families of Dania’s parents belonged to the high society of Genoa and included clergy, intellectuals and military[2]. Inspired by the latter’s steps, he enlisted in the Militia of the Republic of Genoa in 1793[3].

The Republic of Genoa was overthrown on June 14, 1797 and then the French established the Republic of Liguria. Dania enlisted on November 26 of the same year, with the rank of second lieutenant, in the Battalion of Shooters and Engineers in the Ligurian Volunteer Legion, which formed the basis of the National Guard of the Republic of Liguria[4].

In the period 1798 – 1799 Dania fought under the orders of the French generals Joubert and Morau, against the Russian-Austrian troops, commanded by the important Russian General Alexander Suvorov[5]. For his bravery and his skills as a commander, he was promoted to lieutenant and placed in General Calori’s staff. Calori recruited the citizens of Genoa in April 1800 and organized them to resist a possible attack by the Austrian General, Baron Franz Anton von Elsnitz[6].

After contributing significantly to the success of General Calori’s work, Dania was seconded to the rank of lieutenant in the 12th Dragon Regiment of the French Army and took part in the victorious battle of Marengo for the French on June 14, 1800[7]. His action was appreciated and he was appointed aid de camp of the Military Command of Genoa, on July 13, 1801[8].

Because of his adventurous nature, Dania was appointed on February 1, 1805, in the Gendarmerie, with the rank of colonel, tasked with pursuing the robbery[9]. In June 1805, the Republic of Liguria, shortly before its annexation to France, honored him for his bravery and ability with the Order of Military Value[10].

With the annexation of the Republic of Liguria to France, the Gendarmerie of the Republic of Liguria was integrated as a cavalry unit in the French Army, renamed to 56th Dragon Regiment, placed under the command of the French Lieutenant Galliot and incorporated into the 12th French Regiment of Dragons[11]. Dania took command of its Artillery[12].

During his service in the 12th Dragon Regiment of the French Army, Dania took part in the battle of Talavera on July 27, 1809[13], which ended in a strategic victory for the French. He then served in occupied Madrid from 1810 to 1811[14], distinguished himself at the Battle of Salamanca on 22 July 1812[15], and fought at the Battle of Vitoria on 21 June 1813, which led to the withdrawal of the French from Spain[16]. For this action, he was honored in August 1813 with the Order of the Legion of Honor by the French Government[17].

With the departure of the French from Spain, Dania returned to Genoa, which now belonged to the Kingdom of Piedmont. Upon his recovery, he was appointed commander of the 12th Dragon Brigade of the Piedmontese Army, with the rank of cavalry major[18] and was subsequently demobilized[19].

Andrea Dania. 19nth century oxygraphy. Academy Urbense, Ovada.

Dania came from an environment of cultured people, with a classical education, love for Greek culture and philhellenic feelings. The liberation struggle of the Greeks moved him and with the beginning of the Greek Revolution of 1821, Dania is one of the first Philhellenes to go to Greece on June 7, 1821[20]. In fact, he traveled from Trieste to Hydra, on the same ship with Dimitrios Ypsilantis, Panagiotis Anagnostopoulos, the brave French Philhellene Joseph Baleste and the great Italian Philhellene, Lieutenant Colonel Pietro Tarella[21].

On July 2, 1821, he took part in the battle for the liberation of Tripolitsa. When the battle was over, Dania, Tarella, the British chief of staff of Ypsilantis and important Philhellene Thomas Gordon, most of the Philhellenes, and Ypsilantis himself, undertook other missions and did not attend the entrance of the Greeks in Tripolitsa on September 23, 1821[22].

After the capture of Tripolitsa, Dania participated in the first operation for the liberation of Nafplio, which took place in December 1821[23]. During this period the Greek administration was trying to establish a Regular Army[24]. For this purpose, the Parliament passed in Nafplio, on April 1, 1822, a Law “On the Organization of the Army”, which formed the basis of the subsequent military legislation[25].

Andrea Dania in Greece. Lithography of the 19nth century.

The Battalion of the Philhellenes was established in this context, and Dania took over its command. The duties of Commander-in-Chief of the Regular Army were assigned to the important German Philhellene, General, Count Karl Friedrich Leberecht von Normann-Ehrenfels. His direct collaborator was Pietro Tarella, who assumed the duties of commander of the 1st Infantry Regiment. The first mission of the Regular Army was the termination of the siege of Souli in north-western Greece, by the Ottoman forces. This operation would result in the resurgence of the Liberation Struggle in Epirus, the strengthening of the Greek Forces with experienced and combative officers, and the removal of the danger of the Ottomans descending to suppress the Revolution towards the south[26].

Normann, Tarella and Dania faced several strategic issues. For example, decisions and moves were slow. Instead of the Greeks and Philhellenes moving quickly towards Arta, without allowing the Turks to gather an army that would give them a strategic advantage, they wasted valuable time. On the one hand, the Turks were gathering undisturbed forces, when on the other hand, the Greek army was beginning to face diseases and food shortages. Another big problem was the behavior of the irregular forces. And especially the one of Chieftain Bacolas. There were also concerns about how units of irregulars would be integrated into the battle plan. In fact, many days before the start of the march to Arta, it was rumored that Bacolas had a strange attitude and that he had a relationship with the Turks. Of course, it was impossible to believe that a Greek would betray the struggle of his compatriots[27].

The Greek forces came in contact with the Turks at Kompoti, on June 22, 1822. The war plan provided that, “the Philhellenes, as regular soldiers, should not seek the mountain tops to defend themselves comfortably, but to stay in the great and dangerous points and not to miss the opportunity to confront the enemy[28]. Following this, the 1st Infantry Regiment under Tarella and the Battalion of the Philhellenes under Dania, were placed at critical points at the foot of the hills. The enemy attack was successfully repulsed and the Turks retreated to Arta with heavy losses[29].

Representation of the battle of Kompoti. Work of Panagiotis Zografos, commissioned by General Makrygiannis (SHP Collection).

Already exhausted by fatigue, illness, hunger and thirst, the Philhellenes left from Kompoti in a hurry at night to Peta, where the Turks were moving. The other Greek forces gathered there, and the preparation for the battle began.

Disagreements arose in the war council of the leaders on two issues: 1) The position of the regular army in relation to the irregulars. That is, who would constitute the vanguard and who the rearguards, and 2) whether or not fortifications (tambouria) should be used. For the first one, the view which prevailed was to place the forces in a circle around Peta. Normann was dissatisfied with this decision and realizing the disadvantaged position of the Greek side, he felt obliged to express his concerns in a letter to Mavrokordatos[30]. Although he was the leader of the Greek forces, Mavrokordatos was absent from the battlefield. He had placed his headquarters in Lagada, six hours away from Peta[31]. In his letter, Normann stressed that the regular soldiers now numbered only 515[32]. He also noted that he was afraid that Bacolas would leave his post and that the other irregular fighters would not be able to help. Mavrokordatos was not convinced and the battle plan did not change. The Philhellenes accepted this decision out of courtesy[33].

After the leaders’ disagreement about the fortifications, the opinion which prevailed was that they should be built. In fact, as many sources confirm, the “tambouria” were also used by Philhellenes. This is a rare case in which European soldiers fought in the “Greek way”. That is, with the methods of the irregulars. It is worth noting that the Philhellenes had a different code of bravery and honor, which results from a position attributed to Dania: “our tambouria are our breasts”[34].

However, other mistakes were also made, which were due to the lack of complete control of the situation from the Philhellene officers. After the battle of Kompoti, Gennaios Kolokotronis and his Corps returned to the Peloponnese, following an order from his father, for which he was criticized[35]. At the same time, 1,200 Greek fighters left the camp and moved to the north to help the Souliotes. The corps comprised Markos Botsaris, Karatasos, Aggelis Gatsos, Georgios Varnakiotis, Alexakis Vlachopoulos and Andreas Iskos. These 1,200 fighters did not even manage to approach Souli. The Turks stopped them in the village of Plaka on June 29, 1822 and crushed them. Those who survived returned to Peta. Gogos Bacolas enticed Marco Botsaris to move towards Souli, and as soon as he left the camp, he warned the Turks to trap him in Plaka[36].

On the day of the battle of Peta, a Corps of Maniates also arrived in Splantza with Kyriakoulis Mavromichalis to help the Greeks. However, they did not form part of a single strategic plan. A corps of Souliotes arrived there and joined them to confront the Turkish forces that were sent to repel them. Kyriakoulis Mavromichalis himself was killed in this battle[37].

All these moves were out of the general coordination plan, and hindered the work of the Greek forces that would face the main attack of the Turks. But again, despite their small numbers, these forces could still be defeated.

At dawn on July 16, 1822, the attack of the Turkish forces that had arrived from Arta (7,000 to 8,000) began. Normann woke up the men, cheered them with warm words and inspected all positions on horseback.

Representation of the Battle of Peta. Work of Panagiotis Zografos, commissioned by General Makrygiannis (SHP Collection).

At first the forces of the Philhellenes and the Tactical Corps repulsed the numerous enemy troops with great success. The constant and coordinated shots reaped the attackers. The key to success in this way of warfare is for the soldiers to stay calm, to constantly and quickly load their weapons, to fire in a coordinated manner, and above all, to hold their ground, without allowing a rift in their ranks. The 1st Infantry Regiment and the battalion of the Philhellenes were an impenetrable wall, as Baleste’s training paid off[38].

Unfortunately, suddenly a fatal thing happened. Chieftain Bacolas and his men treacherously left their positions, opening the path for the Turkish forces to attack the rear of the 1st Infantry Regiment and the battalion of the Philhellenes[39]. Tarella was trying to encourage the men of his Regiment. He was surrounded by the attacking Turks and had a tragic death (he was beheaded)[40].

General Normann, the emblematic Philhellene, took himself the command of the 1st Infantry Regiment and led it back to battle, shooting: “For the salvation of the Philhellenes! Victory or death!”. In the ensuing raid, he received a bullet in the chest and was transported to the rear to treat his serious injury[41]. Gradually the Regiment began to recede and was now an easy target for the Turkish cavalry. The Philhellenes had been abandoned by all the forces of the irregulars. The forces of the Philhellenes and the Greeks from the Ionian islands experienced a sad and unjust disaster. They were surrounded by the enemy at an exposed point and were exterminated.

Amazing scenes of incredible heroism followed. Dania, who was cheering the soldiers of the battalion of the Philhellenes until the end, was surrounded by Turks, who beheaded him as they did with Tarella[42]. Fifteen brave Poles, led by the Polish officer Mierzewski, gathered at the St George’s Church in central Peta and fought with incredible heroism, even fighting on the roof of the church. They were all killed heroically[43]. In fact, the Turks set fire to the roof of the church to burn them alive beig unable to defeat them. A French officer, Mignac (who had clashed with German Philhellenes during the campaign), also fought with a heroism of Homeric proportions. The Turks tried to capture him alive because he was wearing an impressive uniform and they thought that he was General Normann, the leader of the Regular Army. Mignac refused to surrender and fought valiantly. In the end, being severely injured in the leg, because he could not stand, he leaned on the trunk of an olive tree to stay upright and by fighting in all directions, he neutralized fourteen more Turks. His body was full of wounds, and when he broke his sword, he committed suicide by cutting his throat[44].

Among the volunteers of the Regular Army, 160 Greeks from the Ionian islands and Philhellenes (one third of the forces) were killed. Many were taken prisoners to Arta and were killed there, after being tortured and humiliated in a horrible way. Many Philhellenes were forced to walk naked for hours, holding in their hands the heads of their comrades[45].

The few survivors gathered in Lagada; among them the tragic figure of the day, the noble and brave General Normann. As after the battle of Kompoti, so this time he arrived at the camp last on his dying horse and presented himself to Mavrokordatos, to whom he stated the following: “We lost everything your highness, except our honor“![46]. The 1st Infantry Regiment, the Battalion of the Philhellenes, and hundreds of enthusiastic European Philhellenes, and Greeks from the Ionian islands, no longer existed.

Monument in Peta, in memory of the fallen Philhellenes in the battle of Peta.

Greece and SHP pay tribute to the heroic Philhellene Andrea Dania and his brave comrades-in-arms, who fought to the end for the Independence of Greece and are eternally grateful for their sacrifice.

 

References

[1] Fassino, Pier Giorgio, ”Andrea Dania, ovadese: eroe dell’Indipendenza greca”, εκδ. περ.”URBS”, Ovada, Σεπτέμβριος 2006, σελ. 180.
[2] Βλ. στο ίδιο, σελ. 181.
[3] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[4] Barbagallo, C., ”Storia Universale -Dall’età Napoleonica alla fine della prima Guerra Mondiale (1799 – 1919)”, εκδ. UTET, Τορίνο, 1964.
[5] Gachot, Édouard, ”Les campagnes de 1799. Souvarow en Italie”, εκδ. Perrin et cie., Παρίσι, 1903.
[6] Furse, George Armand, ”Marengo and Hohenlinden”, εκδ. Worley Publications, Newcastle upon Tyne, 1993.
[7] Benoît, Jérémie, ”Marengo: Une victoire politique”, εκδ. Réunion des Musées Nationaux, Παρίσι, 2000.
[8] Calandra, E., “ La bufera”, εκδ. Mondadori, Μιλάνο, 1964, σελ. 205.
[9] Ruggiero, M., “ La Storia dei Briganti Piemontesi”, εκδ. Alzani Editore, Pinerolo, 1998.
[10] Fassino, Pier Giorgio, “Andrea Dania, ovadese: eroe dell’Indipendenza greca”, εκδ. περ.”URBS”, Ovada, Σεπτέμβριος 2006, σελ. 183.
[11] Βλ. στο ίδιο, σελ. 186.
[12] Barbagallo, C., “Storia Universale – Dall’età Napoleonica alla fine della prima Guerra Mondiale (1799 – 1919)”, εκδ. UTET, Τορίνο, 1964.
[13] Field, Andrew, “Talavera: Wellington’s First Victory in Spain”, εκδ. Pen & Sword Military, Barnsley, 2006.
[14] Fassino, Pier Giorgio, “Andrea Dania, ovadese: eroe dell’Indipendenza greca”, εκδ. περ.”URBS”, Ovada, Σεπτέμβριος 2006, σελ. 186.
[15] Fletcher, Ian, “Salamanca 1812: Wellington Crushes Marmont”, εκδ. Osprey, Λονδίνο, 1997.
[16] Fletcher, Ian, “Vittoria 1813: Wellington Sweeps the French from Spain”, εκδ. Praeger Publishers, Νέα Υόρκη, 2005.
[17] Fassino, Pier Giorgio, “Andrea Dania, ovadese: eroe dell’Indipendenza greca”, εκδ. περ.”URBS”, Ovada, Σεπτέμβριος 2006, σελ. 186
[18] Φορνέζης, Ερρίκος, “Οι Φιλέλληνες”, εκδ. περ. ”Εβδομάς”, Αθήνα, 1884, σελ.27.
[19] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[20] Πρασσά, Αννίτα, “Ο Φιλελληνισμός και η Επανάσταση του 1821”, εκδ. Δημιουργία, Αθήνα, 1999.
[21] Ξάνθος, Εμμανουήλ, “Απομνημονεύματα περί της Φιλικής Εταιρείας”, εκδ. Βεργίνα, Αθήνα, 1996, σελ. 168.
[22] Persat, Maurice, “Memoires du Commandant Persat. 1806 à 1844”, εκδ. Librairie Plon, Παρίσι, 1910, σελ. 87-88.
[23] Συλλογικό, “Italy on the Rimland. Storia Militare di una Penisola Eurasiatica”, εκδ. Società Italiana di Storia Militare, Ρώμη, 2019, 1ος τόμος, σελ. 143.
[24] “Τα Αρχεία της Ελληνικής Παλιγγενεσίας”, εκδ. Βουλή των Ελλήνων, Αθήνα, 1857, α’ τόμος, σελ. 272.
[25] Διεύθυνση Ιστορίας Στρατού, “Η ιστορία του Ελληνικού Στρατού”, εκδ. Γενικό Επιτελείο Στρατού, Αθήνα, 1997.
[26] “Ιστορικόν Αρχείον Αλεξάνδρου Μαυροκορδάτου”, επιμ. Εμμ. Πρωτοψάλτης, Γενικά Αρχεία του Κράτους, Αθήνα, τόμος 1, φακ. 197, σελ. 254.
[27] Κουτσονίκας, Λάμπρος, “Γενική Ιστορία της Ελληνικής Επαναστάσεως”, εκδ. Δ. Καρακατζάνη, Αθήνα, 1863, δ’ τόμος, σελ. 177.
[28] Βυζάντιος Χρήστος, “Ιστορία των κατά την Ελληνικήν Επανάστασιν εκστρατειών και μαχών και των μετά ταύτα συμβάντων, ων συμμετέσχεν ο Τακτικός Στρατός, από του 1821 μέχρι του 1833”, εκδ. Κ. Αντωνιάδου, Αθήνα, 1874, σελ. 203.
[29] Συλλογικό, “Ιστορία του Ελληνικού Έθνους”, εκδ. Εκδοτική Αθηνών, Αθήνα, 2000, 12ος τόμος, σ. 232.
[30] “Ιστορικόν Αρχείον Αλεξάνδρου Μαυροκορδάτου”, επιμ. Εμμ. Πρωτοψάλτης, Γενικά Αρχεία του Κράτους, Αθήνα, τόμος 2, φακ. 548, σελ. 135.
[31] Φωτιάδης, Δημήτρης, “Η Επανάσταση του ’21”, εκδ. Μέλισσα, Αθήνα, 1971, β’ τόμος, σελ. 211.
[32] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[33] Woodhouse, Christopher Montague, “The Philhellenes”, εκδ. Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, Madison 1971.
[34] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[35] Κολοκοτρώνης, Γενναίος, “Απομνημονεύματα”, εκδ. Βεργίνα, Αθήνα, 2006.
[36] Voutier, Olivier, “Απομνημονεύματα του συνταγματάρχη Olivier Voutier από τον πόλεμο των Ελλήνων”, μετ. Ειρήνη Τζουρά, επιμ. Παναγιώτα Παναρίτη, εκδ. Εθνικό Ιστορικό Μουσείο, Αθήνα, 2019.
[37] Περραιβός, Χριστόφορος, “Πολεμικά Απομνημονεύματα. Μάχες του Σουλίου και της Ανατολικής Ελλάδας 1820 -1829”, εκδ. Βεργίνα, Αθήνα, 2003, σελ. 160.
[38] St Clair, William, “That Greece Might Still be Free: The Philhellenes in the War of Independence”, εκδ. Open Books, Λονδίνο, 2008, σελ. 277.
[39] Κουτσονίκας, Λάμπρος, “Γενική Ιστορία της Ελληνικής Επαναστάσεως”, εκδ. Δ. Καρακατζάνη, Αθήνα, 1863, δ’ τόμος,σελ. 178.
[40] St Clair, William, “That Greece Might Still be Free: The Philhellenes in the War of Independence”, εκδ. Open Books, Λονδίνο, 2008.
[41] Gridley Howe, Samuel, “An Historical Sketch of the Greek Revolution”, εκδ. White, Gallaher & White, Νέα Υόρκη, 1828, σελ.
[42] Fassino, Pier Giorgio, “Andrea Dania”, εκδ. περ.”Accademia Urbense”, Ovada, Σεπτέμβριος 2006, σελ. 188.
[43] Τράιμπερ, Ερρίκος, “Αναμνήσεις από την Ελλάδα 1822- 1828”, επιμ. δρ. Χρήστος Ν. Αποστολίδης, ιδ. εκδ., Αθήνα, 1960, σελ. 136.
[44] Raybaud Maxime, “Mémoires sur la Grèce pour servir à l’histoire de la guerre de l’Indépendance, accompagnés de plans topographiques, avec une introduction historique par Alph. Rabbe”, εκδ. Tournachon-Molin Libraire, Παρίσι, 1824, τόμος 1.
[45] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[46] Βλ. στο ίδιο.

 

Bibliography – Sources

  • Fassino, Pier Giorgio, “Andrea Dania, ovadese: eroe dell’Indipendenza greca”, εκδ. περ. “URBS”, Ovada, Σεπτέμβριος 2006.
  • Barbagallo, C., “Storia Universale -Dall’età Napoleonica alla fine della prima Guerra Mondiale (1799 – 1919)”, εκδ. UTET, Τορίνο, 1964.
  • Gachot, Édouard, “Les campagnes de 1799. Souvarow en Italie“, εκδ. Perrin et cie., Παρίσι, 1903.
  • Furse, George Armand, “Marengo and Hohenlinden“, εκδ. Worley Publications, Newcastle upon Tyne, 1993.
  • Benoît, Jérémie, “Marengo: Une victoire politique”, εκδ. Réunion des Musées Nationaux, Παρίσι, 2000.
  • Calandra, E., “La bufera“, εκδ. Mondadori, Μιλάνο, 1964.
  • Ruggiero, M., ”La Storia dei Briganti Piemontesi“, εκδ. Alzani Editore, Pinerolo, 1998.
  • Field, Andrew, “Talavera: Wellington’s First Victory in Spain”, εκδ. Pen & Sword Military, Barnsley, 2006.
  • Fletcher, Ian, “Salamanca 1812: Wellington Crushes Marmont“, εκδ. Osprey, Λονδίνο, 1997.
  • Fletcher, Ian, “Vittoria 1813: Wellington Sweeps the French from Spain“, εκδ. Praeger Publishers, Νέα Υόρκη, 2005.
  • Πρασσά, Αννίτα, “Ο Φιλελληνισμός και η Επανάσταση του 1821”, εκδ. Δημιουργία, Αθήνα, 1999.
  • Ξάνθος, Εμμανουήλ, “Απομνημονεύματα περί της Φιλικής Εταιρείας”, εκδ. Βεργίνα, Αθήνα, 1996.
  • Persat, Maurice, “Memoires du Commandant Persat, 1806 à 1844”, εκδ. Librairie Plon, Παρίσι, 1910.
  • Nada, Narciso, “La Partecipazione degli Italiani alla Guerra di Indipendenza Ellenica. Risorgimento Greco e Filellenismo Italiano: Lotte, cultura, arte”, εκδ. Edizioni del Sole, Ρώμη, 1986.
  • Συλλογικό, “Italy on the Rimland. Storia Militare di una Penisola Eurasiatica“, εκδ. Società Italiana di Storia Militare, Ρώμη, 2019, 1ος τόμος.
  • “Τα Αρχεία της Ελληνικής Παλιγγενεσίας”, εκδ. Βουλή των Ελλήνων, Αθήνα, 1857, α’ τόμος.
  • Διεύθυνση Ιστορίας Στρατού, “Η ιστορία του Ελληνικού Στρατού”, εκδ. Γενικό Επιτελείο Στρατού, Αθήνα, 1997.
  • “Ιστορικόν Αρχείον Αλεξάνδρου Μαυροκορδάτου”, επιμ. Εμμ. Πρωτοψάλτης, Γενικά Αρχεία του Κράτους, Αθήνα, τόμος 1.
  • St Clair, William, “That Greece Might Still be Free: The Philhellenes in the War of Independence“, εκδ. Open Books, Λονδίνο, 2008.
  • Voutier, Olivier, “Απομνημονεύματα του συνταγματάρχη Olivier Voutier από τον πόλεμο των Ελλήνων“, μετ. Ειρήνη Τζουρά, επιμ. Παναγιώτα Παναρίτη, εκδ. Εθνικό Ιστορικό Μουσείο, Αθήνα, 2019.
  • Κολοκοτρώνης, Γενναίος, “Απομνημονεύματα”, εκδ. Βεργίνα, Αθήνα, 2006.
  • Περραιβός, Χριστόφορος, “Πολεμικά Απομνημονεύματα. Μάχες του Σουλίου και της Ανατολικής Ελλάδας 1820 -1829”, εκδ. Βεργίνα, Αθήνα, 2003.
  • Συλλογικό, “Ιστορία του Ελληνικού Έθνους”, εκδ. Εκδοτική Αθηνών, Αθήνα, 2000, 12ος τόμος.
  • Κουτσονίκας, Λάμπρος, “Γενική Ιστορία της Ελληνικής Επαναστάσεως”, εκδ. Δ. Καρακατζάνη, Αθήνα, 1863, δ’ τόμος.
  • Fassino, Pier Giorgio, “Andrea Dania”, εκδ. περ. “Accademia Urbense”, Ovada, Σεπτέμβριος 2006.
  • Gridley Howe, Samuel, ”An Historical Sketch of the Greek Revolution“, εκδ. White, Gallaher & White, Νέα Υόρκη, 1828.
  • Raybaud Maxime, ”Mémoires sur la Grèce pour servir à l’histoire de la guerre de l’Indépendance, accompagnés de plans topographiques, avec une introduction historique par Alph. Rabbe“, εκδ. Tournachon-Molin Libraire, Παρίσι, 1824, τόμος 1.
  • “Ιστορικόν Αρχείον Αλεξάνδρου Μαυροκορδάτου”, επιμ. Εμμ. Πρωτοψάλτης, Γενικά Αρχεία του Κράτους, Αθήνα, τόμος 2.
  • Βυζάντιος Χρήστος, “Ιστορία των κατά την Ελληνικήν Επανάστασιν εκστρατειών και μαχών και των μετά ταύτα συμβάντων, ων συμμετέσχεν ο Τακτικός Στρατός, από του 1821 μέχρι του 1833”, εκδ. Κ. Αντωνιάδου, Αθήνα, 1874.
  • Φωτιάδης, Δημήτρης, “Η Επανάσταση του ’21“, εκδ. Μέλισσα, Αθήνα, 1971, β’ τόμος.
  • Woodhouse, Christopher Montague, “The Philhellenes”, εκδ. Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, Madison 1971.
  • Τράιμπερ, Ερρίκος, “Αναμνήσεις από την Ελλάδα 1822- 1828”, επιμ. δρ. Χρήστος Ν. Αποστολίδης, ιδ. εκδ., Αθήνα, 1960.

 

Officer of the British Royal Navy during the Napoleonic Wars.

 

Edward Blaquiere (1779-1832), was a British officer and pioneer Philhellene, a founding member of the Philhellenic Committee of London.

He was born in Dublin, Ireland, to a noble family of French descent who had taken refuge in Great Britain in 1685 due to the revocation of the Nantes Judgment[1]. His father was the retired lieutenant colonel James Blaquiere (1726 – 1803), former officer of the 13th Dragon Regiment[2].

Edward Blaquiere followed his father’s footsteps, and in January 1794 enlisted in the British Royal Navy[3]. On April 23, 1794, he took part in the victorious for the British Battle of Guernsey[4]. On June 23, 1795, he took part in the naval battle of Croix[5].

On October 7, 1795, he served in the frigate “Fortitude”, and fought in the naval battle of the Cape of St. Vincent in Portugal[6]. This naval battle was devastating for the British Royal Navy and Blaquiere escaped capture by chance.

On August 1, 1798, he took part in the victorious British naval battle of Aboukir in Egypt[7].During this period he served under the command of Admiral Horatio Nelson (1758 – 1805), as an officer on the liner “Vanguard”, which was the flagship of the British Mediterranean Fleet[8].

From September 1798 to September 1800, Blaquiere continued his service on the liner Vanguard. He even distinguished himself in the siege of Malta[9]. His bravery, as well as his dedication to duty, led to his promotion to second lieutenant on July 20, 1801[10]. A few days before, on July 12, 1801, he had taken part in the second naval battle of Algeciras[11], under his capacity of officer of “Caesar”, under the orders of Admiral James Saumarez (1757-1836)[12].

On October 21, 1805, he fought in the naval battle of Trafalgar[13], as an officer of the “Temeraire’’[14]. For his bravery, he was promoted to lieutenant[15]. At the end of the same year he took part in the defense of Sicily[16].

From 1810 to 1811, he served as a captain in the British Mediterranean Fleet. This position offered him the opportunity to get in touch with many residents of the wider area and to better observe the treatment of the enslaved population of the Ottoman Empire. During his tenure in the Mediterranean, he was seconded to Tripoli, Libya, and Tunis, Tunisia[17]. During this period of service in the British Navy, Blaquiere began to develop his first Philhellenic sentiments[18].

In mid-1812 he was stationed in the Naval Command of Valletta, Malta[19]. He served there until 1816[20]. His skills as a commander, as well as his previous action, led to his promotion to lieutenant in 1816[21].

At the same time he came in contact with the philosopher and jurist Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832)[22], of whom he was an admirer since 1802. Blaquiere had admired the work “Traités de législation, civile et pénale”, which was extremely progressive for his era, as it promoted the need to rearrange the legal system. This contact proved to be particularly beneficial for Blaquiere, because these ideals forged his Philhellenism[23]. At the same time this contact was the cause for Blaquiere to meet his later close friend and collaborator in the Philhellenic Committee of London, politician, economist, diplomat, writer and translator, John Bowring. Bowring was also a student of Bentham[24] (and even his most preferred).

Blaquiere resigned from the British Royal Navy in 1820 with the rank of captain, to pursue unhindered his personal interests[25] and later the promotion of Philhellenism.

After resigning from the British Royal, Blaquiere was funded by Bentham to visit Spain in June 1820, with the aim of strengthening the constitutional movement[26]. There he met with the military leader of the constitutionalists, General Rafael del Riego y Flórez, and became close friends with the political leaders Agustín Argüelles and José Joaquín de Mora, founder of the newspaper “El Constitucional“[27]. He also contributed greatly to the drafting of speeches of Antonio Puigblanch at the Spanish National Assembly[28].

Along with his contacts and activities, Blaquiere travels around Spain and keeps notes, not only on the political situation, but also on the manners, customs and intellectual movement[29].

In October 1822, Blaquiere was forced to return to England, as the Spanish constitutional movement was condemned by the Congress of Verona. French forces were already crossing the border to join the army loyal to King Ferdinand in order to suppress the constitutional movement[30].

Upon his return to England, Blaquiere contacted Bentham and Bowring again, this time working systematically to promote Philhellenism. The results of their actions soon led to the establishment of the Philhellenic Committee of London.

Indeed, on February 28, 1823, the Philhellenic Committee of London was founded[31]. . Blaquiere, Lord Byron, Jeremy Bentham, Lieutenant Colonel Leicester Stanhope, 5th Earl of Harrington, and John Bowring were its founding members[32].

In March 1823, Edward Blaquiere traveled to Greece for the first time as a representative of the Philhellenic Committee of London. On this trip he accompanied Andreas Louriotis, a representative of the first Greek Government, which needed foreign borrowing to continue the Independence Struggle[33]. The first stop was Genoa, Italy. Louriotis had received a letter of recommendation from John Cam Hobhouse, a Philhellene, member of the Philhellenic Committee of London and personal friend of Lord Byron. Using this letter and the help of Blaquiere, they met Lord Byron[34]. This meeting aimed to encourage Lord Byron to take active action in Greece.

When he arrived in Greece, Blaquiere studied the situation and tried to diagnose the main weaknesses and priorities of the Greek revolutionaries. One of the first things he noticed was the need to establish a Regular Regular Army, as the first Regular Army was destroyed at the Battle of Peta on July 4, 1822[35]. Blaquiere informed the Philhellenic Committee of London of this need[36] in a series of letters. In fact, these letters are inspired by the same spirit as that of Lord Byron, who believed that the battlefields are the first school of freedom, and that freedom is first conquered by military means. This school considered that the sword precedes the pen, unlike that of Stanhope, who (although he was also a military man), considered (and even emphatically) that the most powerful weapon is the “pen” (i.e. the promotion of education and the press)[37]. This, however, in no way negates the fact that all these wonderful people and conscious Philhellenes, tried to help Greece, with Lord Byron offering his own life in Messolonghi on April 7, 1824[38].

In May 1823 Blaquiere returned to London and submitted to the Philhellenic Committee his report on the situation in Greece[39]. From August to November 1823 he toured Great Britain and came in contact with many important people, in order to raise public awareness about the struggle of the Greeks and to find new funds to support the Greek Revolution[40]. At the same time, Blaquiere systematically corresponds with Lord Byron and Stanhope[41].

After this tour and correspondence, Blaquiere arrives in early December 1823 in British-ruled Kefalonia[42]. There he meets Lord Byron and Stanhope, and joins their staff. On December 24, 1823 he arrived in Messolonghi[43].

Edward Blaquiere collaborated with Lord Byron and Stanhope until Byron’s death on April 7, 1824. During this time he visited with Stanhope the leaders of the warring factions in Central Greece (during the civil strife), and contributed to their reconciliation[44].

What characterized Blaquiere as a personality, was his cultural cultivation, his experience as a commander and especially his vision for a permanent unity of the Greeks. Moreover, the element that differentiated him from Stanhope and other more pragmatic British Philhellenes, was that his Philhellenism was romantic and that he supported the need for help of the Greeks unconditionally. Stanhope and his colleagues, on the other hand, believed that aid should be combined with a concrete plan and a strategy.

Blaquiere was a real Philhellene, who loved Greece to the end. He constantly wrote and sent articles and many letters to important people abroad. In all cases, he called on his British compatriots to fight for the Greek cause, either by coming to Greece or by strengthening the liberation struggle financially.

This action made him especially beloved among the Greeks, who saw that they had an extremely important and stable ally on the international scene.

The death of Lord Byron on April 7, 1824, as well as Stanhope’s clash with Kountouriotis and Mavrokordatos, forced Blaquiere to leave Greece in May 1824 with Stanhope[45]. In fact, they both returned with the same ship that carried the body of Lord Byron.

However, Blaquiere’s interest in Greece remained alive and strong. He continues to maintain dense correspondence with important Greeks, such as Costas Botsaris[46]. In the period 1825 – 1828, he wrote and published three books: “Narrative of a Second Visit to Greece”, “Greece and her Claims” and “Letters from Greece”, through which he informs and sensitizes the British public opinion about the events in Greece.

 

BLAQUIÈRE Edward. “Narrative of a second visit to Greece, including facts connected with the last days of Lord Byron”. London, Geo. B. Whittaker, 1825. First edition. It contains a lithograpgh of Athens by J.D. Harding, and a letter of the Greek Society of Friends of Music (SHP collection).

 

After the end of the Greek Revolution, Blaquiere continued his work in favor of movements for independence and civil rights in Europe and Latin America. In early 1832 he undertook a mission in the Azores, in an attempt to contribute to the creation of a constitutional monarchy in Portugal, under Peter I of Portugal, who was also the former emperor of Brazil and had abdicated the throne of Brazil in his favor of his son[47]. Unfortunately, the ship on which he had boarded sank and this active freedom fighter lost his life.

Edward Blaquiere was (along with Bowring), the main guiding force of the Philhellenic Committee of London, and he greatly benefited with his work the struggle for the liberation of the Greeks. SHP and Greece honor the memory of Edward Blaquiere, a heroic, modest and noble Philhellene, who fought in every way for the Greek causes and for unity among the Greeks.

 

References

[1] Carlton, J.H. Hayes, “A political and social history of modern Europe’’, εκδ. MacMillan, Νέα Υόρκη, 1916, α’ τόμος.
[2] Cannon, Richard, “Historical Record of the Thirteenth Regiment of Light Dragoons containing an account of the formation of the regiment in 1715 and of its subsequent services to 1842 “, εκδ. John W. Parker, Λονδίνο, 1842.
[3] Syrett, D., Di Nardo, R. L., “The commissioned sea officers of the Royal Navy, 1660–1815’’, εκδ. Occasional Publications of the Navy, Λονδίνο, 1994.
[4] Parkinson, C. Northcote, “The Life of Edward Pellew, Viscount Exmouth”, εκδ. Methuen & Co., Λονδίνο, 1934.
[5] Woodman, Richard, “The Sea Warriors’’, εκδ. Constable Publishers, Εδιμβούργο, 2001.
[6] Winfield, Rif, “British Warships in the Age of Sail 1793–1817: Design, Construction, Careers and Fates’’, εκδ. Seaforth, Barnsley, 2008.
[7] Bradford, Ernle, “Nelson: The Essential Hero “, εκδ. Wordsworth Military Library, Λονδίνο, 1997.
[8] Colledge, J. J., Warlow, Ben, “Ships of the Royal Navy: The Complete Record of all Fighting Ships of the Royal Navy “, εκδ. Chatham Publishing, Λονδίνο, 2006.
[9] Gardiner, Robert, “Nelson Against Napoleon“, εκδ. Caxton Editions, Λονδίνο, 2002.
[10] Syrett, D., Di Nardo, R. L., “The commissioned sea officers of the Royal Navy, 1660–1815’’, εκδ. Occasional Publications of the Navy, Λονδίνο, 1994.
[11] Harvey, Robert, “Cochrane: The Life and Exploits of a Fighting Captain’’, εκδ. Constable Publishers, Εδιμβούργο, 2000.
[12] Ross, John, “Memoirs of Admiral Lord de Saumarez“, εκδ. Richard Bentley, Λονδίνο, 1838, β’ τόμος.
[13] Corbett, Julian Stafford, “The campaign of Trafalgar“, εκδ. Longmans, Green, and company, Λονδίνο, 1919, β’ τόμος.
[14] Adkins, Roy, “Trafalgar: The Biography of a Battle“, εκδ. Abacus, Λονδίνο, 2005.
[15] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[16] Blaquière, Edward, “Letters from the Mediterranean; containing a civil and political account of Sicily, Tripoly, Tunis, and Malta: with biographical sketches, anecdotes and observations, illustrative of the present state of those countries, and their relative situation with respect to the British empire“, εκδ. Colburn, Λονδίνο, 1813, α’ τόμος.
[17] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[18] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[19] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[20] Syrett, D., Di Nardo, R. L., “The commissioned sea officers of the Royal Navy, 1660–1815’’, εκδ. Occasional Publications of the Navy, Λονδίνο, 1994.
[21] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[22] De Beer, Esmond Samuel, Seton, Walter Warren,”Byroniana: The Archives of the London Greek Committee“, εκδ. King’s College, Λονδίνο, 1926.
[23] Rosen, Frederick, “Bentham, Byron, and Greece: constitutionalism, nationalism, and early liberal political thought“, εκδ. Clarendon Press, Λονδίνο, 1992.
[24] Youings, Joyce Alice, “Sir John Bowring, 1792-1872: aspects of his life and career”, εκδ. Devonshire Association, Plymouth, 1993.
[25] Rosen, Frederick, “London Greek Committee (act. 1823–1826)“, εκδ. Oxford University Press, Λονδίνο, 2007.
[26] Ramos Oliver, Francisco, “La trayectoria militar de Rafael del Riego’’, εκδ. περ. Revista de historia militar, Μαδρίτη, 2012, τεύχος 112.
[27] Blaquiere, Edward, “An Historical Review of the Spanish Revolution Including Some Account of Religion, Manners and Literature in Spain“, εκδ. εκδ. G. & W. B. Whittacker, Λονδίνο, 1822.
[28] Jardi, Enric, “Antoni Puigblanch. Els precedents de la Renaixença’’, εκδ. Aedos, Βαρκελώνη, 1960.
[29] Blaquiere, Edward, “An Historical Review of the Spanish Revolution Including Some Account of Religion, Manners and Literature in Spain“, εκδ. εκδ. G. & W. B. Whittacker, Λονδίνο, 1822.
[30] Nichols Jr, Irby C., ’’The Congress of Verona, 1822: A Reappraisal’’, εκδ. περ. Southwestern Social Science Quarterly, Georgetown, 1966.
[31] Dimaras, Alexis, “The other British Philhellenes’’, εκδ. Oxford University Press, Λονδίνο, αχρονολόγητο.
[32] Youings, Joyce Alice, “Sir John Bowring, 1792-1872: aspects of his life and career”, εκδ. Devonshire Association, Plymouth, 1993.
[33] Blaquière, Edward, “Report on the Present State of the Greek Confederation, and on Its Claims to the Support of the Christian World: Read to the Greek Committee on Saturday, September 13, 1823’’, εκδ. Φιλελληνικής Επιτροπής, Λονδίνο, 1823.
[34] St Clair, William, “That Greece Might Still be Free: The Philhellenes in the War of Independence”, εκδ. Open Book Publishers, Λονδίνο, 2008.
[35] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[36] Blaquière, Edward, “The Greek Revolution, Its Origin and Progress: Together with Some Remarks on the Religion, National Character, &c. in Greece“, εκδ. G. B. Whittacker, Λονδίνο, 1824.
[37] Moore, Thomas, “Letters and Journals of Lord Byron with Notices of his Life’’, εκδ. H. L. Broenner, Φρανκφούρτη, 1830. Επίσης, βλ. Αθάνας, Γ., “Ιστορικά Μελετήματα’’, εκδ. Ίδρυμα Γ & Μ. Αθανασιάδη – Νόβα, Ναύπακτος, 1998, σελ. 194.
[38] Moore, Thomas, “Letters and Journals of Lord Byron with Notices of his Life’’, εκδ. H. L. Broenner, Φρανκφούρτη, 1830.
[39] Blaquière, Edward, “Report on the Present State of the Greek Confederation, and on Its Claims to the Support of the Christian World: Read to the Greek Committee on Saturday, September 13, 1823’’, εκδ. Φιλελληνικής Επιτροπής, Λονδίνο, 1823.
[40] St Clair, William, “That Greece Might Still be Free: The Philhellenes in the War of Independence”, εκδ. Open Book Publishers, Λονδίνο, 2008, σελ. 155.
[41] Blaquière, Edward, “Letters from Greece: With Remarks on the Treaty of Intervention’’, εκδ. J. Ilbery, Λονδίνο, 1828.
[42] Blaquière, Edward, “Narrative of a Second Visit to Greece: Including Facts Connected with the Last Days of Lord Byron “, εκδ. G. B. Whittacker, Λονδίνο, 1825, α’ τόμος.
[43] Stanhope, Leicester, 5ος κόμης του Harrington, “Greece, in 1823 and 1824: Being a Series of Letters, and Other Documents”, εκδ. Sherwood, Gilbert & Piper, Λονδίνο, 1825, σελ. 543.
[44] St Clair, William, “That Greece Might Still be Free: The Philhellenes in the War of Independence”, εκδ. Open Book Publishers, Λονδίνο, 2008.
[45] “Αρχεία της Ελληνικής Παλιγγενεσίας’’, εκδ. Βουλή των Ελλήνων, Αθήνα, 1977, 10ος τόμος, σελ. 299.
[46] “Αρχείο στρατηγού Κώστα Μπότσαρη’’, Γενικά Αρχεία του Κράτους, Αθήνα, φάκελος 25.
[47] Manchester, Alan K., “The Paradoxical Pedro, First Emperor of Brazil’’, εκδ. περ. “The Hispanic American Historical Review’’, Durham, 1932, σελ. 192.

 

Bibliography – Sources:

  • “Αρχεία της Ελληνικής Παλιγγενεσίας’’, εκδ. Βουλή των Ελλήνων, Αθήνα, 1977, 10ος τόμος.
  • “Αρχείο στρατηγού Κώστα Μπότσαρη’’, Γενικά Αρχεία του Κράτους, Αθήνα, φάκελος 25.
  • Manchester, Alan K., “The Paradoxical Pedro, First Emperor of Brazil’’, εκδ. περ. “The Hispanic American Historical Review’’, Durham, 1932.
  • St Clair, William, “That Greece Might Still be Free: The Philhellenes in the War of Independence”, εκδ. Open Book Publishers, Λονδίνο, 2008.
  • Stanhope, Leicester, 5ος κόμης του Harrington, “Greece, in 1823 and 1824: Being a Series of Letters, and Other Documents”, εκδ. Sherwood, Gilbert & Piper, Λονδίνο, 1825.
  • Blaquière, Edward, “Report on the Present State of the Greek Confederation, and on Its Claims to the Support of the Christian World: Read to the Greek Committee on Saturday, September 13, 1823’’, εκδ. Φιλελληνικής Επιτροπής, Λονδίνο, 1823.
  • Blaquière, Edward, “Narrative of a Second Visit to Greece: Including Facts Connected with the Last Days of Lord Byron“, εκδ. G. B. Whittacker, Λονδίνο, 1825, α’ τόμος.
  • Blaquière, Edward, “Letters from Greece: With Remarks on the Treaty of Intervention’’, εκδ. J. Ilbery, Λονδίνο, 1828.
  • Blaquière, Edward, “The Greek Revolution, Its Origin and Progress: Together with Some Remarks on the Religion, National Character, &c. in Greece”, εκδ. G. B. Whittacker, Λονδίνο, 1824.
  • Moore, Thomas, “Letters and Journals of Lord Byron with Notices of his Life’’, εκδ. H. L. Broenner, Φρανκφούρτη, 1830.
  • Αθάνας, Γ., “Ιστορικά Μελετήματα’’, εκδ. Ίδρυμα Γ & Μ. Αθανασιάδη – Νόβα, Ναύπακτος, 1998.
  • Youings, Joyce Alice, “Sir John Bowring, 1792-1872: aspects of his life and career” , εκδ. Devonshire Association, Plymouth, 1993.
  • Dimaras, Alexis, “The other British Philhelenes’’, εκδ. Oxford University Press, Λονδίνο, αχρονολόγητο.
  • Rosen, Frederick, “London Greek Committee (act. 1823–1826)“, εκδ. Oxford University Press, Λονδίνο, 2007.
  • Rosen, Frederick, “Bentham, Byron, and Greece: constitutionalism, nationalism, and early liberal political thought“, εκδ. Clarendon Press, Λονδίνο, 1992.
  • De Beer, Esmond Samuel, Seton, Walter Warren,”Byroniana: The Archives of the London Greek Committee“, εκδ. King’s College, Λονδίνο, 1926.
  • Blaquière, Edward, “Letters from the Mediterranean; containing a civil and political account of Sicily, Tripoly, Tunis, and Malta: with biographical sketches, anecdotes and observations, illustrative of the present state of those countries, and their relative situation with respect to the British empire“, εκδ. Colburn, Λονδίνο, 1813, α’ τόμος.
  • Syrett, D., Di Nardo, R. L., “The commissioned sea officers of the Royal Navy, 1660–1815’’, εκδ. Occasional Publications of the Navy, Λονδίνο, 1994.
  • Carlton, J.H. Hayes, “A political and social history of modern Europe’’, εκδ. MacMillan, Νέα Υόρκη, 1916, α’ τόμος.
  • Cannon, Richard, “Historical Record of the Thirteenth Regiment of Light Dragoons containing an account of the formation of the regiment in 1715 and of its subsequent services to 1842“, εκδ. John W. Parker, Λονδίνο, 1842.
  • Parkinson, C. Northcote, “The Life of Edward Pellew, Viscount Exmouth”, εκδ. Methuen & Co., Λονδίνο, 1934.
  • Woodman, Richard, “The Sea Warriors’’, εκδ. Constable Publishers, Εδιμβούργο, 2001.
  • Winfield, Rif, “British Warships in the Age of Sail 1793–1817: Design, Construction, Careers and Fates’’, εκδ. Seaforth, Barnsley, 2008.
  • Bradford, Ernle, “Nelson: The Essential Hero“, εκδ. Wordsworth Military Library, Λονδίνο, 1997.
  • Colledge, J. J., Warlow, Ben, “Ships of the Royal Navy: The Complete Record of all Fighting Ships of the Royal Navy“, εκδ. Chatham Publishing, Λονδίνο, 2006.
  • Gardiner, Robert, “Nelson Against Napoleon“, εκδ. Caxton Editions, Λονδίνο, 2002.
  • Harvey, Robert, “Cochrane: The Life and Exploits of a Fighting Captain’’, εκδ. Constable Publishers, Εδιμβούργο, 2000.
  • Ross, John, “Memoirs of Admiral Lord de Saumarez“, εκδ. Richard Bentley, Λονδίνο, 1838, β’ τόμος.
  • Corbett, Julian Stafford, “The campaign of Trafalgar“, εκδ. Longmans, Green, and company, Λονδίνο, 1919, β’ τόμος.
  • Adkins, Roy, “Trafalgar: The Biography of a Battle“, εκδ. Abacus, Λονδίνο, 2005.
  • Blaquiere, Edward, “An Historical Review of the Spanish Revolution Including Some Account of Religion, Manners and Literature in Spain“, εκδ. G. & W. B. Whittacker , Λονδίνο, 1822.
  • Jardi, Enric, “Antoni Puigblanch. Els precedents de la Renaixença’’, εκδ. Aedos, Βαρκελώνη, 1960.
  • Nichols Jr, Irby C., ’’The Congress of Verona, 1822: A Reappraisal’’, εκδ. περ. Southwestern Social Science Quarterly, Georgetown, 1966.

 

Admiral Sir Edward Codrington. Painting by Hugh Patterson.

Edward Codrington (1770 – 1851), was a British Admiral and politician, commander of the British Mediterranean Fleet, commander of the Allied fleet in the naval battle of Navarino and an important Philhellene.

He was born in Dodington and was the youngest of four children in his family. His father was the landowner Edward Codrington the Elder (1736 – 1775), and his grandfather was William Codrington, 1st Baronet of Dodington (+1738)[1]. His mother was Rebecca Lestourgeon (1736 – 1770), who died during childbirth[2].

The Codrington family owned vast land areas. At the same time, however, it had an important military, political, but also cultural tradition. The patriarch of the family, John Codrington, distinguished himself in 1415 in the victorious battle for the English in Agincourt, as the standard-bearer of the English King Henry V[3]. His descendant Christopher Codrington (1668 – 1710), uncle of Admiral Edward Codrington, was a General, governor of Guadeloupe and the Barbados in 1703 – 1710, and a politician. He was also a benefactor of the Oxford University, where he founded the Codrington Library at All Souls College, which is administratively affiliated with the Oxford University[4]. Also, Christopher Bethell Codrington, the eldest brother of Admiral Codrington, was a member of the British Parliament[5].

ΟEdward Codrington never met his mother and was orphaned as a child. Thus, the responsibility for raising him and his brothers, was entrusted to their paternal uncle Christopher Bethell, thanks to whom they received the best possible education. With his older brothers Christopher Bethell Codrington and William John Codrington, Edward Codrington attended Harrow College[6]. A little later, however, he decided not to continue his education. In 1783, at the age of just 13, he enlisted in the British Royal Navy as a cadet officer, first stationed on the frigate “HMS Augusta’’[7].

As a young cadet officer, Codrington served in the East Coast Patrol Squadron around the United States, in the British Mediterranean Fleet and on ships of the British Metropolitan Fleet. In 1788 he received the rank of midshipman[8].

On May 28, 1793, he was promoted to lieutenant and placed as a signal officer in the frigate “HMS Queen Charlotte”, flagship of the English Channel Fleet, with Admiral Richard Howe, 1st Earl of Howe (1726-1799) as commander [9]. From this position, on June 1, 1794, he took part in the victorious for the British 4th battle of Ushant against the French[10]. Codrington’s action in this naval battle was appreciated and led on October 7, 1794, to his promotion to lieutenant commander, to follow on April 6, 1795, his promotion to commander[11].

Commander Codrington was appointed captain of the ‘’HMS Babet’’ and fought in the victorious British naval battle of Groix on June 23, 1795[12]. There he was again distinguished for his bravery and commander’s skills, and was rewarded with his appointment as captain of the frigate “HMS Druid” in July 1796[13].

As captain of the frigate ‘’HMS Druid’’, Codrington undertook patrol missions in the English Channel and the Portuguese coast until January 1797[14]. On one of these missions, on January 7, 1797, in collaboration with the frigates “HMS Doris” and “HMS Unicorn”, he captured the French frigate “Ville de l’Orient” in the English Channel, carrying 400 hussars who were assigned the mission to join the Irish revolutionaries[15].

After the successful completion of this mission, he was transferred to land positions of the British Royal Navy, and remained there until May 1802. During this period he sought his transfer to the British Merchant Navy, but to no avail[16].

Meanwhile, as early as the end of 1797, Codrington and his siblings William John Codrington and Caroline Codrington, inherited the estate of their uncle Christopher Bethell. This estate included a plantation in Antigua[17].

After the Peace of Amiens on May 27, 1802, Codrington was appointed captain of the ship of the line ‘‘HMS Orion’’[18]. In December 1802 he married Jane Hall, daughter of a British family in Kingston, Jamaica, with whom he had 3 sons. General William John Codrington (1804 – 1884), Naval Cadet Edward Codrington (1805-1822) and Admiral Henry John Codrington (1808 – 1877)[19].

In the spring of 1805, the ship of the line “HMS Orion” joined the British Fleet tasked with blocking the port of Cadiz[20]. The commander of the fleet was the great and emblematic Admiral Horatio Nelson and Codrington was his most direct collaborator[21].

During the Battle of Trafalgar, which took place on October 21, 1805 and ended victoriously for the British, Codrington captured the French ship “Swiftsure”[22].He then tried to capture the Spanish flagship “Principe de Asturias”, without success[23]. Shortly afterwards, he managed to force the French ship “Intrepide”, the only ship of the Northern Squadron of the Franco-Spanish Fleet that had escaped intact, to surrender, further to continuous shelling[24].

Following the Battle of Trafalgar, the British insurance company Lloyd’s offered as a gift, a commemorative sword to the captains of the ships that took part in it, as well as 10 GB pounds to the junior officers[25]. Codrington refused to accept the sword, arguing that in addition to officers, ordinary sailors, who fought valiantly, should also receive money[26].

In 1808, Codrington collaborated with the Spaniards against the French in the Mediterranean. During this period he commanded a squadron, which destroyed French ships and carried out raids on the French coast[27]. Then, from July to December 1809, he took part in Walcheren’s operation in the Netherlands, which aimed to open another front against the French and to relieve the Austrians fighting against the French army on land[28]. This operation failed and the British, including Codrington, returned home with significant losses[29].

From May to June 1811, Codrington took command of a squadron of the British Mediterranean Fleet. During this time he was in charge of reinforcing Tarragona, which was besieged by the army of French General Louis-Gabriel Suchet[30]. Codrington was convinced that the Marquis of Campo Verde (and military commander of Tarragona), was incapable of defending the area. After studying the situation, Codrington helped British officer Charles William Doyle to plan the support of the besieged[31].

According to Codrington’s plan and actions, Tarragona was reinforced with 6,300 Spanish infantry and 291 gunners. At the same time, his squadron supported the besieged by carrying troops and ammunition, but also by carrying out night bombardments against French positions[32].

With the occupation of Tarragona by the French on June 29, 1811, despite heavy enemy fire, Codrington helped save more than 600 people, while he personally took care of the reunification of families who had been separated during the evacuation of the city[33].

After leaving Tarragona, Codrington undertook a series of political initiatives to prevent the disbandment of the Catalan Militia which was planned by Spanish General Luis Roberto de Lacy[34].

Admiral Sir Edward Codrington. Colored lithograph by Thomas Lawrence.

From 1814 to 1815, Codrington, who had meanwhile been promoted to commodore, served in the North American and West Indian Squadron of the British Royal Navy as captain of the HMS Tonnant, under the command of Admiral Alexander Inglis Cochrane[35] (uncle of the Philhellene and later commander of the Greek fleet in 1827, Thomas Cochrane). From there, starting in Bermuda[36], he participated in the American-British War of 1812, and took part in operations against Washington, Baltimore and New Orleans[37]. His skills as a commander and commendable services, contributed to his promotion to rear admiral on June 4, 1814. Then, in 1815, the British Government honored him with the Medal of the Knight Brigadier General of the Bath[38].

On July 10, 1821, in recognition of his long tenure and service, the British Government promoted Codrington to Vice Admiral and honored him with the Golden Military Cross[39], while in February 1822, the Royal Society honored him with the title of Partner[40].

This period was extremely critical for Codrington. The beginning of the Greek Revolution in 1821 coincided approximately with the tragic loss of Edward Codrington, his son and cadet officer of the frigate “HMS Cambrian”. Young Codrington drowned when his ship encountered bad weather near Hydra in November 1822. Already from this period Codrington develops a strong interest on the evolutions n Greece and progressively, Philhellenic feelings[41].

From 1822 to 1826 he served in staff services in Great Britain. During this period he was among the subscribers of the Philhellenic Committee of London, founded in 1823, and was one of the contributors of the fundraisers carried out by the Philhellenic Committee of London.Moreover, as of the summer of 1826, he had correspondence with the commander of the Greek Army, General Richard Church, the commander of the Greek Navy, Admiral Thomas Cochrane, 10th Earl of Dundonald and Captain Frank Abney Hastings, commander of the “Karteria” first steam-powered warship in Greece[42]. This correspondence was crucial for the cultivation of the great Admiral Codrington’s Philhellenism. At the same time, however, he had the opportunity to study and understand what was happening in Greece, the dynamics of developments, the balances of power, the geostrategic parameters of the region, the role of the Turks and the Egyptians and the psychology of the protagonists of the Revolution. This knowledge proved to be particularly useful, both for him as a soldier and for the future of the Greek war for independence

After April 1826, the Exodus of Missolonghi decisively shocked Europe and sparked the most critical and intensive phase of the international Philhellenic movement. Public opinion and the press saw that the Greek Revolution was extinguished and demanded a dynamic intervention in favour of the Greeks.

Under this pressure and a number of other factors, the Great Powers of the time (Great Britain, France and Russia) decided to intervene. This move served Russia, which sought to weaken the Ottoman Empire and reduce its territories, while at the same time establishing an independent Orthodox Christian state in which it could exert influence. The British and the French were under increasing pressure from the pro-Greek movements to help fellow Europeans and liberate the cradle of Western civilization. At the same time, the violence of the Turks, the massacres of the Greek population in Chios, Kassos, Psara, Missolonghi, etc., and finally the policy of “scorched earth”, violent Islamization and mass transfer of the Greek population to Africa, implemented by Ibrahim, could not be ignored by the civilized West. When George Canning, the great Philhellene, became Prime Minister of Great Britain, he led the three Great Powers on his own initiative to the signing of the Treaty of London on July 6, 1827.

It is recalled that Great Britain had already signed the St. Petersburg Protocol in 1826 with Russia, and that it was now involving the French with the aim of controlling Russia to some extent[43]. The Treaty demanded an immediate armistice from the Gate and the creation of an autonomous Greece, subject to the Sultan.

At the same time, the three powers agreed to send their fleets to Greece, with a mandate to enforce the Treaty of London.

Admiral Codrington had been appointed commander of the British Mediterranean Fleet since December 1826 and sailed to Malta on 1 February 1827, aboard the flagship “HMS Asia”[44]. As commander of the British Mediterranean Fleet, his preliminary mission was to follow the policy of his predecessor, Admiral Harry Burrard-Neale, to protect British nationals and the Ionian Islands, which were part of the British Empire[45].At the same time, he continued to correspond with Church, Cochrane, Hastings, and other Greek dignitaries, acting in some way as a liaison between the Greeks and the British government[46].

Admiral Sir Edward Codrington. Painting by Hugh Patterson (1805 / 1806–1871)

On June 19, 1827, following a memorandum and request from Stratford Canning, British Ambassador to Constantinople and a relative of George Canning, the British Mediterranean Fleet sailed from Malta and arrived in Greece in early July on a mission to enforce the Treaty of London[47].

This treaty provided for the conclusion of a peace agreement between Greeks and Turks, with the basic condition of the immediate end of hostilities. However, there was also a secret, extremely important, article, according to which, if the Turkish side did not respond or reject mediation, the Great Powers would recognize Greek Independence and take all necessary measures to end the conflict, ideally without taking military action[48]. Of course, given that the Ottoman Empire was clearly and categorically contrary to the terms of the Treaty, while it was implementing methodically a plan for the systematic extermination of the Greek population, this term essentially provided for the use of military means. That is why the three fleets were concentrated in the area.

More precisely, the secret protocol of the Treaty consisted of three articles, according to which the High Gate was offered a deadline of one month to accept the intervention of the three Powers. After the deadline, the three fleets were authorized to take any action they deemed necessary to enforce peace. According to the press, these actions were aimed to be part of a broad framework of “friendly relations” with the Ottoman Empire. In practice, however, from the moment the intransigence of the Turks and Ibrahim became known, they prescribed a large-scale military intervention.

Actually, the Treaty also instructed France to impose peace on land, essentially providing for the expulsion of Ibrahim’s forces. According to the Treaty of London, the new country that would emerge would be the “classical Greece”, which would include the Peloponnese, the Cyclades, Attica and part of Central Greece and Evia.

The content of the Treaty, including the secret article, were published in the Times of London on July 12, 1827[49]. The entire Treaty was published in the “Independent Gazette of Greece” on August 6, 1827.

The great British politician and Prime Minister George Canning, to whom Greece owes its independence, had already made his decisions, and had given clear instructions to the great Admiral Codrington.

When George Canning, the main protagonist of the three countries’ reconciliation, passed away on August 8, 1827, Metternich and his allies in Europe celebrated, taking the dissolution of the alliance for granted. The Treaty, however, was firmly established[50].

At the same time, Ibrahim Pasha in the Peloponnese and the Turks in Central Greece, insisted that the Revolution had been suppressed. They terrorized the inhabitants, destroyed villages and crops, forced the Greeks to submit to the Sultan, while thousands of citizens were arrested and methodically led as slaves to Egypt.

In the circles of the European Philhellenes, and in the European public opinion, it was now clear that the Turks intended to desert the Peloponnese from the Greeks and settle Egyptian Muslims there. At the same time, Sultan Mahmut II and the governor of Egypt, Mehmet Ali, the father of Ibrahim Pasha, planned a final attack against Hydra, which they considered to be the main feeder of the revolted Greeks[51] and the last stronghold of the struggle. With these data, the descent of the allied fleet in Greece and the conflict with the Turks and the Egyptians, was inevitable.

The naval battle in Navarino. Painting from the circle of the British painter Thomas Whitcombe (SHP collection).

Thus, on August 5, 1827, the British fleet, led by Codrington, and the French, led by De Rigny, arrived in Nafplio. There, they officially announced the Treaty of London to the Greek government. At the same time, they asked for the transfer of the state capital to Aegina, which was done[52].

Admiral Codrington arrived in Navarino on September 12, 1827. There he met with Ibrahim Pasha, and explained to him the positions of the Great Powers. He then transferred his fleet to Zakynthos. A frigate remained in Navarino with a mission to patrol and monitor the movements of the Turkish-Egyptians.

The imposing Turkish-Egyptian fleet was deployed in the Gulf of Navarino, consisting of 88 ships with 2,180 cannons. In total there were 3 battleships, 17 frigates, 30 corvettes, 28 brigs, 5 schooners and 5 fireships,and in addition, 41 bulk carriers[53]. The leader of the Turks was Tahir Bey and the ones of the Egyptians, Mustafa Bey and Moharrem Bey. Ibrahim saw that the Turkish-Egyptian fleet was superior in firepower, and considered that he could set a trap for the allies in Navarino. The Turkish-Egyptian fleet was numerically superior in cannons and at the same time it was supported by coast artillery[54]. ΤThe fire of their gunners, however, proved in the course of the action, to miss to a large extend the target. On the contrary, the shots of the allies were very well targeted.

The facts, however, prove both the philhellenic sentiments of the great Admiral Codrington, as well as the nature of the mission which was assigned to him by the other great Philhellene George Canning. In theory, Codrington’s mission was to enforce a cease of hostilities, and a ceasefire on both sides. However, Codrington agreed to allow the British admiral and nephew of his former commander, Thomas Cochrane, to continue crucial military operations in the Gulf of Corinth. Thus the great Philhellene Hastings succeeded undisturbed to disband the entire Turkish fleet in the Gulf of Corinth. This victory was necessary for the progress of the operations for the liberation of mainland Greece. Codrington likewise allowed the Greek military to set up revolutionary strongholds in Epirus, and General Church to send an army against Turkish positions in Patras and in western mainland Greece.

Thus, it is clear that the Greeks owe to Admiral Codrington the integration of the territories of mainland Greece into the newly formed Greek state.

At the end of September 1827 the fleets of Great Britain and France, as well as the Russian fleet, which had just arrived, anchored outside Sfaktiria[55].

When, on October 1 and 4, Ibrahim himself attempted to move with his fleet towards the besieged Patras, Codrington forced him to return to Navarino. The confrontation was now a matter of days.

It is worth noting that Ibrahim ignored the envoys of the Allied fleet, and their request to comply with the Treaty of London and to keep his promises of a cease of hostilities. In fact, Ibrahim was not convinced for the determination of the allies, and so when he was informed that Greek ships were attacking the Turkish coastal forts on the Corinthian Sea, he sent 49 warships to reinforce Patras and pursue the Greek fleet of Hastings.

According to the instructions from Cochrane, Hastings was operating in the area in collaboration with Church on land to liberate areas of mainland Greece. Codrington was outraged because Ibrahim had given his word of honour that he would not move any of his ships from Neokastro until he received instructions.

Then the great British admiral acted decisively and moved against the Turkish-Egyptian fleet. Just 4 British ships with a total of 170 cannons encountered ten times as many enemy ships in Araxos with 1,200 cannons. Codrington’s audacity was incredible. The flagship “Asia” launched a heavy artillery shelling against Ibrahim’s ships. Immediately the 49 enemy ships changed direction and returned to their base.

The 3 admirals held a meeting on October 6. Everyone wanted the action to be hastened, as they did not want the winter to find them in Navarino. During this period they also received a letter from Kolokotronis, informing them that Ibrahim’s men were committing genocide in Messinia of Peloponnese. On this occasion, they sent Colonel Peter Cradock to deliver an ultimatum to Ibrahim, so that to accept a ceasefire and the withdrawal of his troops. Ibrahim avoided meeting Cradock, so the admirals decided to enter the Gulf of Navarino in order to drive out the Turkish-Egyptian fleet that was there[56]. Ibrahim knew that he could not face the Allied fleet on the high seas, and he had set a trap, aiming arrogantly at a great victory against the Allies. He had ordered his ships to form a semicircle inside the narrow gulf of Navarino, with the aim of establishing a significant firepower, in concert with the important coastal artillery.

In early October, Russian and French ships joined the British, and an allied fleet was formed, under the command of Admiral Codrington. But again the single fleet was lagging behind that of the enemy. The united allied fleet had 27 ships with 1,258 cannons (10 battleships, 10 frigates, 4 brigs and 3 schooners), with which it had to face the cannons of the enemy ships, but also those of the forts firing from the shore. The Allied Force consisted of 12 British ships, namely: “Asia” (flagship), “Genoa”, “Albion”, “Darmouth”, “Cabrian”, “Glasgow”, “Talbot”, “Rose”, “Mosquito”, “Brisk”, “Philomel” and “Hind”, 8 Russian, the: “Azov” (flagship), “Ezekiel”, “Cangut”, “Aleksandr”, “Provornoy”, “Elena”, “Konstantin” and “Kastor” and 7 French:“Sirene” (flagship), “Scipion”, “Trident”, “Breslaw”, “Armide”, “Daphne” and “Alkyone”[57]. The commander of the allied forces was Codrington, who held the rank of Admiral, while De Rigny and Heyden were lieutenant admirals.

Painting by John Christian Schetky (British 1778-1874), 19th century. Presents the naval battle in Navarino. The centre of the painting depicts one of the ships that participated in the British fleet. The H.M.S. Talbot, whose governor was Hon. F. Spencer. It is worth noting that a few years later, Henry Codrington, the son of Admiral Codrington, who had fought with his father in Navarino and was seriously wounded, took command of this ship.

On October 8, Codrington ordered the fleet to enter Navarino bay and the ships to anchor in specific positions in front of the enemy. The situation was very tense. The ships of the British squadron were stationed in the centre. The French and Russian ships followed. Ibrahim sent an envoy to Codrington and demanded the immediate withdrawal of the allied fleet, recalling that he had not given permission to enter Navarino. The proud and brave Codrington replied that he “came to give orders and not to receive” and made it clear that any aggressive action by the Turkish-Egyptians would immediately lead to a confrontation and the destruction of their fleet.

Ibrahim expected this conflict and considered that he had set a trap in the allied fleet.

On the other hand, Codrington had studied the situation and was very optimistic, despite the overwhelming numerical strength of the opponent. The Allied fleet disposed of “higher” boats, equipped with faster range artillery and highly trained and experienced staff. In addition, due to its position it enjoyed manoeuvrability in contrast to the stacked and anchored Ottoman ships.

When the Allied fleet entered the bay, Codrington sent envoys to Ibrahim to ask for the Ottoman fleets to return to their bases. The Turks in the Dardanelles and the Egyptians in Alexandria. The Greek navigator Petros Mikelis who participated in the delegation, was killed by Turkish sailors[58].

Moreover, the British captain of the frigate “Dartmouth”, who had entered the bay first with a messenger, raising a white flag, spotted a Turkish fireship that was moving towards him[59].  He immediately sent a detachment to demand his removal, which received enemy fire, killing Lieutenant Fitzroy[60], , and to injure some sailors, while the Turks set fire on the fireship. Acting quickly, Captain Fellows, commander of Darmouth, sent immediately another ship, which sank the enemy fireship[61].

The frigates “Sirene” and “Dartmouth” responded to these provocations with shots. Then the Turkish-Egyptian ships began to shell the “Sirene”, while the “Asia” came under fire from the Turkish flagship and the naval battle of Navarino began. This was the last naval battle in history between sail-ships.

Detailed descriptions of the battle report that the ships were so close to each other that theirs masts entangled, while the sailors were fighting even using their pistols.

Another Turkish fireship attacked the French battleship “Skipion” and almost managed to set it on fire. It was rescued at the last minute after the intervention of the French battleship “Trident”. The “Sirene” sank the Egyptian frigate “Isania” and neutralized the cannons on the left side of the port entrance. The British ship “Albion” and the Russian “Azov” were in danger. The French battleship “Breslaw” then intervened and sank the battleship “Geu Revan”, which was the flagship of Admiral Tahir Pasha, who commanded the fleet, in the place of Ibrahim. “Breslaw” sank four more enemy frigates.

Codrington’s flagship “Asia” neutralized the battleship “Fakhti Bari” and the frigate “Gerrier”, with the help of the Russian “Azov”, which in turn destroyed three enemy frigates and a corvette. In less than two hours, the three battleships and almost all the Ottoman frigates had sunk or been destroyed.

The Allied fleet continued to shell the smaller enemy ships for another two hours. 90% of the huge Turkish-Egyptian fleet was sunk by Allied fire, while many of the surviving ships were destroyed by the Ottomans themselves so that they would not be captured by the Allies.

By 5 o’clock in the afternoon most of the Turkish-Egyptian ships had been destroyed or surrendered.

At least 4,000 Ottomans were killed and more than 2,000 wounded, while the Allies had 181 dead and 480 wounded (272 British, 184 French and 198 Russians killed or wounded). The Allies had suffered heavy damage, but no ships in their fleet had sunk.

Admiral De Rigny said that “there has never been a greater fleet destruction in history“. During the battle, the flagship “Asia” had received more than 170 shots and it was damaged in many places.

A particularly important element for the naval battle in Navarino is presented here. This is the personal handwritten diary of British Admiral Henry Gage Morris, who was transferred as a new officer to HMS Glasgow in 1826, and participated in the naval battle of Navarino, under Governor James Ashley Maude (178 pages). It contains 3 maps, one of which is completed with watercolour, folio size, covers the period 1826-28 (SHP collection).

The victory was now final and decisive, and Admiral Codrington was the great winner and hero of Navarino.

Codrington completed his mission ten months later, when he forced through intense negotiations the Egyptians to agree to leave Greece. A departure which materialised when an army of 14,000 French arrived in the Peloponnese to oversee it, a year after the naval battle. The Sultan declared a “holy war”, thus offering the Czar an excuse to declare war and force him to accept Greek autonomy with the Treaty of Edirne.

The Greeks took advantage of the Russo-Turkish war and the withdrawal of the Egyptians, to prevail in mainland Greece and achieve their full independence with the establishment of the first Greek state.

The next day of the naval battle, the allies demanded that Ibrahim, who had managed to take refuge in the mountains of Messinia, order a ceasefire, under the threat of a general war. The Ottomans accepted and a cease of hostilities was signed at Codrington’s flagship. The great British Admiral sent a detailed report to the British Admiralty, where he explained in detail the need for a naval battle, both for the protection of the Greek population suffering from the Turkish-Egyptians and for the terms of the Treaty of London to be enforced. In addition, he attached reports of his subordinates, such as Rear Admiral Rowan Hamilton, who confirmed the actions of Ibrahim[62].

Following the signing of the armistice with the Turkish-Egyptians and the submission of the report to the British Admiralty, Codrington and the British Mediterranean Fleet sailed to Malta to undertake new assignments. They remained there until May 1828, when they returned to the Peloponnese and reunited with the French and Russians, with the aim to ensure the peaceful departure of Ibrahim Pasha, who was constantly obstructing all plans[63] effectively refusing to leave. Thus, on July 25, 1828, in Alexandria, Codrington came to an agreement after negotiating the treaty of August 6, 1828, according to which Ibrahim’s troops would evacuate the Peloponnese[64].

In Britain (and throughout the West) the Allied victory was greeted with enthusiasm.

Partition of a musical work entitled: “L’Echo de Navarin” (news from Navarino), by G. Kuhn. Lyrics by Alphonse Jarry (SHP Collection).

In January 1828 the Government changed in London, and power passed to the Duke of Wellington (Napoleon’s victor at Waterloo). The fear of Russia eventually descending into the Mediterranean, changed the attitude of Great Britain, for the forms. Wellington described the naval battle in Navarino as “unexpected” and “unfortunate”. This move was politically necessary in order to maintain diplomatic relations with the Ottoman Empire.

But the goal had been achieved. Greece would now be a free country.

It is worth mentioning some incidents from the critical hours of the great naval battle in Navarino. The great Admiral Codrington was always standing tall on the deck of the flagship “Asia”, despite being an easy target for enemy snipers, because he was very tall and imposing. The Turk Tahir Pasha had ordered selected snipers, offering huge rewards, to kill him. They only managed to hit his hat, sleeve and watch. The British Admiral did not stop for a moment to lead and fight. Even when his son, cadet officer Henry Codrington, who also served in “Asia”, was seriously injured, the Admiral left his post for a few minutes to see him. Shortly afterwards he returned to his place, where he remained until the end. It is also recalled that for his bravery, his son was honoured with the French medal of the Legion of Honour[65].

Painting and photography of Henry John Codrington. He became a rear-admiral in 1857 and was afterwards Admiral Superintendent at Malta 1858-63, and Commander-in-Chief, in Plymouth from 1869-72.

The great British Admiral and his son are also heroic figures of the Greek war of Independence.

In Constantinople, the ambassadors of the three allies asked the Sultan to accept the Treaty of London, otherwise they would leave. Eventually the 3 ambassadors left Constantinople on December 8, 1827, as they had not received a clear answer from the Ottomans.

Upon his return to Great Britain in September 1828, Codrington was placed in reserve. The reason was that he neglected to carry out full checks on the ships of the Turkish-Egyptian fleet that were rescued in Navarino, as a result of which the Ottomans succeeded to transport Greek slaves from the Peloponnese to Alexandria using ships of Ibrahim’s fleet that were leaving. There was a commotion in Parliament and public opinion when in the first months of 1828 the information arrived that 5,500 Greeks from the Peloponnese, mostly women and children, were being sold in the slave markets of Alexandria, which put the British government in a difficult position. Admiral Codrington explained that the conditions prevailing after the naval battle did not allow all ships to be inspected[66].

This was followed by the Russo-Turkish War of 1828 – 1829, and Britain, fearing a Russian invasion of the Mediterranean, now faced victory in Navarino with the necessary caution, given that the Ottomans were a bulwark against Russia[67].

In essence, however, the naval battle at Navarino was a well-thought-out plan and strategic choice by George Canning, successfully executed by the great Admiral Edward Codrington. The instruction was to chase Ibrahim out of Greece using the diplomatic language, and if that is not enough with the force of arms.

In 1831 Codrington was appointed commander of the British Royal Navy Training Squadron. In 1832 he was elected member of the Parliament for the liberals in Devonport, and was honoured by the British King William IV with the Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath. At the same time he was invited by the Russian Emperor Nicholas I to St. Petersburg, where he was honoured with the Cross of St. George 2nd Class for his action[68]. He was accompanied at the same time by his son, Lieutenant Henry Codrington, who was also honoured with the Order of St. Vladimir for his bravery in Navarino[69].

In 1834, a motion of censure was lodged with the British Parliament against Codrington over Navarino. This move was clearly ostensible. Codrington proved his innocence and even managed to impose a decision to provide 60,000 GB pounds in compensation to the officers and sailors who took part in the naval battle of Navarino[70].

In 1839, Codrington was promoted to Admiral, honoured with the Naval Medal of General Service, and appointed commander of the British Royal Navy, based in Portsmouth[71]. The king of Greece Othon honoured him with the Grand Cross of the Order of the Knights of the Redeemer, acknowledging his contribution in favour of Greece[72]. At the same time, his son, commander Henry Codrington, was again honoured[73].

The British Navy Medal. This specific medal was awarded to James Collier who had served as a Quarter-Master on the ship H.M.S. Psyche in Java and the ship H.M.S. Genoa in Navarino (SHP collection).

In 1847 the British government introduced a medal which was awarded to all sailors who participated in naval battles in 1793 – 1840. The General Naval Service Medal was established to be awarded to survivors of the Napoleonic Wars and to those who participated in naval battles until 1840.

The medal is round, with 36 mm in diameter, made of silver. The front side depicts the head of Queen Victoria and the inscription “VICTORIA REGINA 1848”. It does not bear the head of the king who was in power when the naval battles for which the medal was given took place. The obverse side depicts Britain as a woman holding a trident and sitting on a seahorse. The ribbon of the medal is blue and white, hanging over a horizontal metal bar. It is the work of the British engraver William Wyon. The ribbon bears metal inscriptions bearing the names or dates of naval battles, smaller-scale battles, naval operations or ships served by the honouree. It is noted that 1.142 medals were awarded to the survivors (in 1848) of the Battle of Navarino.

Admiral Edward Codrington died in London in 1851 at the age of 81. He was originally buried in St. Peter’s Basilica in Eaton Square, but in 1954 his bones were reburied in Brookwood Cemetery in Surrey. A memorial plaque was placed at St Paul’s Cathedral in London and an obelisk in Pylos (Navarino) in the Peloponnese in his honour.

Monument in Pylos (Navarino) dedicated to Admiral Codrington and Admirals De Rigny and Hayden.

At the same time, many streets bear his name in many Greek cities.

Codrington Street in Athens, at the intersection with September 3rd street.

Admiral Codrington, was honoured in 1927 by the Hellenic Post, with the issuance of a stamp, which his portrait.

Stamp of 1927, issued by the Hellenic Post, on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the Battle of Navarino. It pictures the Chief in command of the Allied Fleet, Admiral Edward Codrington.

In 2009 a plaque was placed also at the residence of the great Admiral, following the actions of the Greek government, the city of Brighton and British philhellenes.

The Codrington and Hampton Mansion. A blue plaque to honour the great Admiral was unveiled on 29 September 2009, on 140 Western Road, Hampton Lodge, Brighton, by the Greek Ambassador in the UK, in the presence of the Mayor of Brighton & Hove and a huge number of other local and international dignitaries.

Greece and SHP honour the brave Philhellene Admiral Edward Codrington, whose contribution, with that of the United Kingdom, was a catalyst for the independence of Greece and the domination of the values ​​and culture that it stands for.

 

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[39] Codrington, Edward, ”Memoir of the Life of Admiral Sir Edward Codrington: With Selections from His Public and Private Correspondence”, εκδ. Longmans, Green & Co., Λονδίνο, 1873, α’ τόμος.
[40] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[41] Heathcote, Tony, ”The British Admirals of the Fleet 1734–1995”, εκδ. Pen & Sword, Barnsley, 2002.
[42] St Clair, William, ”That Greece Might Still Be Free: The Philhellenes in the War of Independence”, εκδ. Open Books, Λονδίνο, 2008, σελ. 331.
[43] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[44] Heathcote, Tony, ”The British Admirals of the Fleet 1734–1995”, εκδ. Pen & Sword, Barnsley, 2002.
[45] Cokayne, George Edward, ”Complete Baronetage (1707–1800)”, εκδ. Alan Sutton Publishing, Λονδίνο, 1983, 5ος τόμος, σελ. 148.
[46] St Clair, William, ”That Greece Might Still Be Free : The Philhellenes in the War of Independence”, εκδ. Open Books, Λονδίνο, 2008, σελ. 331.
[47] Woodhouse, Christopher Montague, ”The Battle of Navarino”, εκδ. Hodder and Stoughton, Λονδίνο, 1965.
[48] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[49] Woodhouse, Christopher Montague, ”The Battle of Navarino”, εκδ. Hodder and Stoughton, Λονδίνο, 1965.
[50] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[51] Παπασωτηρίου, Χαράλαμπος, ”Ο αγώνας για την ελληνική ανεξαρτησία. Πολιτική και στρατηγική των Ελλήνων και της οθωμανικής αυτοκρατορίας 1821-1832”, εκδ. Ι. Σιδέρης, Αθήνα, 1996.
[52] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[53] Κουτσονίκας, Λάμπρος, ”Γενική Ιστορία της Ελληνικής Επαναστάσεως”, εκδ. Δ. Καρακατζάνη, Αθήνα, 1863, δ’ τόμος, σελ. 359.
[54] Κόκκινος, Διονύσιος, ”Η Ελληνική Επανάστασις”, εκδ. Μέλισσα, Αθήνα, 1959, σελ. 263.
[55] Μελετόπουλος, Μελέτης, ”Ο άρχοντας με τα πολλά πρόσωπα”, εκδ. Καπόν, Αθήνα, 2017.
[56] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[57] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[58] Εφ.”Πρωία”, Αθήνα, φύλλο 25ης Μαρτίου 1882.
[59] Βλ. στο ίδιο, σελ. 360.
[60] Βασδραβέλλης, Ι. Κ., ”Η πολιτική των Μεγάλων Δυνάμεων και η ναυμαχία του Ναυαρίνου”, εκδ. Εταιρεία Μακεδονικών Σπουδών, Θεσσαλονίκη, 1973.
[61] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[62] Brewer, David, ”The Greek War of Independence. The Struggle for Freedom from Ottoman Oppression and the Birth of the Modern Greek Nation”, εκδ. The Overlook Press, Νέα Υόρκη, 2001.
[63] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[64] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[65] Heathcote, Tony, ”The British Admirals of the Fleet 1734–1995”, εκδ. Pen & Sword, Barnsley, 2002.
[66] Codrington, Edward, ”Memoir of the Life of Admiral Sir Edward Codrington: With Selections from His Public and Private Correspondence”, εκδ. Longmans, Green & Co., Λονδίνο, 1873, β’ τόμος.
[67] Λούκος, Χρήστος, ”Ιωάννης Καποδίστριας”, εκδ. εφ.”Τα Νέα”, Αθήνα, 2009, σελ. 74.
[68] Heathcote, Tony, ”The British Admirals of the Fleet 1734–1995”, εκδ. Pen & Sword, Barnsley, 2002
[69] O’Byrne, William Richard, ”A Naval Biographical Dictionary”, εκδ. J. Murray, Λονδίνο, 1849, σελ. 17.
[70] Heathcote, Tony, ”The British Admirals of the Fleet 1734–1995”, εκδ. Pen & Sword, Barnsley, 2002
[71] Hannay, David, ”Codrington, Sir Edward”, εγκ. ”Encyclopædia Britannica”, εκδ. Cambridge University Press, Λονδίνο, 1911, 6ος τόμος, σελ. 636.
[72] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[73] O’Byrne, William Richard, ”A Naval Biographical Dictionary”, εκδ. J. Murray, Λονδίνο, 1849, σελ. 17.

 

Bibliography – Sources:

  • Cokayne, George Edward, ”Complete Baronetage (1707–1800)”, εκδ. William Pollard and Co, Exeter, 1906, 5ος τόμος.
  • Λούκος, Χρήστος “Ιωάννης Καποδίστριας”, εκδ. εφ.”Τα Νέα”, Αθήνα, 2009.
  • O’Byrne, William Richard, ”A Naval Biographical Dictionary”, εκδ. J. Murray, Λονδίνο, 1849.
  • Hannay, David, ”Codrington, Sir Edward”, εγκ.”Encyclopædia Britannica”, εκδ. Cambridge University Press, Λονδίνο, 1911, 6ος τόμος.
  • Brewer, David, ”The Greek War of Independence. The Struggle for Freedom from Ottoman Oppression and the Birth of the Modern Greek Nation”, εκδ. The Overlook Press, Νέα Υόρκη, 2001.
  • Codrington, Edward, ”Memoir of the Life of Admiral Sir Edward Codrington: With Selections from His Public and Private Correspondence”, εκδ. Longmans, Green & Co., Λονδίνο, 1873, β’ τόμος.
  • Heathcote, Tony, ”The British Admirals of the Fleet 1734–1995”, εκδ. Pen & Sword, Barnsley, 2002.
  • Κουτσονίκας, Λάμπρος, ”Γενική Ιστορία της Ελληνικής Επαναστάσεως”, εκδ. Δ. Καρακατζάνη, Αθήνα, 1863, δ’ τόμος.
  • Κόκκινος, Διονύσιος, ”Η Ελληνική Επανάστασις”, εκδ. Μέλισσα, Αθήνα, 1959, σελ. 263.
  • Βασδραβέλλης, Ι. Κ., ”Η πολιτική των Μεγάλων Δυνάμεων και η ναυμαχία του Ναυαρίνου”, εκδ. Εταιρεία Μακεδονικών Σπουδών, Θεσσαλονίκη, 1973.
  • Εφ.”Πρωία”, Αθήνα, φύλλο 25ης Μαρτίου 1882.
  • Μελετόπουλος, Μελέτης, ”Ο άρχοντας με τα πολλά πρόσωπα”, εκδ. Καπόν, Αθήνα, 2017.
  • Παπασωτηρίου, Χαράλαμπος, ”Ο αγώνας για την ελληνική ανεξαρτησία. Πολιτική και στρατηγική των Ελλήνων και της οθωμανικής αυτοκρατορίας 1821-1832”, εκδ. Ι. Σιδέρης, Αθήνα, 1996.
  • Woodhouse, Christopher Montague, ”The Battle of Navarino”, εκδ. Hodder and Stoughton, Λονδίνο, 1965.
  • St Clair, William, ”That Greece Might Still Be Free : The Philhellenes in the War of Independence”, εκδ. Open Books, Λονδίνο, 2008.
  • Anderson, M.S., ”The Eastern Question, 1774-1923: A Study in International Relations”, εκδ. Macmillan, Νέα Υόρκη, 1966.
  • Codrington, Edward, ”Memoir of the Life of Admiral Sir Edward Codrington: With Selections from His Public and Private Correspondence”, εκδ. Longmans, Green & Co., Λονδίνο, 1873, α’ τόμος.
  • De Lacy-Bellingari, Edward, ”The roll of the house of Lacy: pedigrees, military memoirs and synoptical history of the ancient and illustrious family of De Lacy, from the earliest times, in all its branches, to the present day”, εκδ. Waverly Press, Camden, 1928, 8ος τόμος.
  • Suchet, Louis Gabriel, ”Memoirs of the War in Spain, from 1808 to 1814”, εκδ. Henry Colburn, Λονδίνο, 1829, α’ τόμος.
  • Martín, Luis Aragón, ”Militares y Navíos Españoles que participaron en Trafalgar”, εκδ. Ministerio de Defensa, Μαδρίτη, 2005.
  • Howard, Martin R., ”Walcheren 1809: The Scandalous Destruction of a British Army”, εκδ. Pen & Sword, Barnsley, 2012.
  • Clayton, Tim, Craig, Phil, ”Trafalgar: The Men, The Battle, The Storm”, εκδ. Hodder and Stoughton, Λονδίνο, 2004.
  • Burke, John, ”A General and Heraldic Dictionary of the Peerage and Baronetage of the British Empire”, εκδ. H. Colburn and R. Bentley, Λονδίνο, 1832, α’ τόμος.
  • Winfield, Rif,” British Warships in the Age of Sail 1793–1817: Design, Construction, Careers and Fates”, εκδ. Seaforth Publishing, Barnsley, 2008.
  • Heathcote, Thomas H., ”Nelson’s Trafalgar captains and their battles. A biographical and historical dictionary”, εκδ. Pen & Sword Maritime, Barnsley, 2005.
  • White, Collin, ”The Trafalgar captains. Their lives and memorials”, εκδ. Naval Institute Press, Annapolis, 2005.
  • Williams, M. J., Fisher, David R., Thorne, R., ”The History of Parliament: the House of Commons 1790-1820”, εκδ. Boydell and Brewer, Suffolk, 1986.
  • Chisholm, Hugh, ”Codrington, Christopher”, εγκ.”Encyclopædia Britannica”, εκδ. Cambridge University Press, Λονδίνο, 1911, 6ος τόμος.

 

The Giaour of Lord Byron, 19th century, bronze composition (SHP collection)

 

The symbol of Philhellenism of Lord Byron, the fighter of 1821 Eggelis and the sword of Kolokotronis

The most central emblematic figure of the Philhellenic movement during the Revolution of 1821, is undoubtedly that of the Giaour who defeats Hassan and seizes his horse and weapons. This form emerges from the emblematic work of Lord Byron “the Giaour”.

This story and a multitude of related depictions in Philhellenic art, inspired and excited thousands of Philhellenes around the world during the Greek war of independence.

However, as we will show, the Giaour of Lord Byron also inspired Greek fighters in 1821.

We remind that Lord Byron lived for a while in Athens (1810 – 1811), which at that time was a small town with few inhabitants, to whom the presence of the English Lord certainly did not go unnoticed.

From this journey, Byron gathered images, experiences and material to write many of his works. First of all the emblematic Childe Harold. In 1813 Lord Byron published the Giaou. It is very possible that copies of this book were sent to Athens and circulated to the Athenians or that they enriched the library of the Society of Friends of Music (Etairia Philomouson).

 

Book by Peter Edmund LAURENT (1796 – 1837), entitled “Recollections of a Classical Tour through the various parts of Greece, Turkey, and Italy made in the years 1818 and 1819”, from the library of the Etairia Philomouson in Athens. Accompanied by an application for membership in the Etairia Philomouson which is signed by well-known Athenians of the time (SHP collection).

 

In any case, as this image of the Giaour inspired the Philhellenes, so it enlivened the Greeks who sought an opportunity to claim their freedom and shake off the Ottoman yoke.

In this article we present the story of an Athenian family of freedom fighters of 1821, whose action gave flesh and blood to the emblematic Giaour of Lord Byron, offering to the Greek Revolution the only scene where a known Greek fighter achieves the feat of Giour, and in particularly intense battle conditions.

In the Archives of Fighters of the National Library in Athens, box 53 contains information about the Eggeli family, which gave four fighters in the struggle for National Independence.

File 1 contains a particularly enlightening request from Dimitrios Eggelis, son of Aggelis Eggelis, dated 1865 “to the Extraordinary Committee on the Rights of Fighters“, referring to the services of Dimitrios Eggelis and his brothers, Georgios and Ioannou, who fought at the Acropolis of Athens.

 

Aggelis Eggelis and Eleftherios Eggelis

With the document no. 926 of the file, signed on 24 September 1860 in Athens, by N. Zacharitsas, B. D. Kallifronas, K. Vryzakis, D. Sourmelis, Stavros Vlachos, G. Psyllas, S. Venizelos, Palaiologos Venizelos and S. Galakis, the Mayor of Athens Ioannis Santorinios confirms the following:

“Aggelis Egelis excelled in Kamatero in the battle against Omer Vryonis. He managed to get his infamous Byzantine sword, which he later offered, at the urging of the Elders of Attica, to the Leader of the Eastern Greece, Odysseas Androutsos”. Aggelis Eggelis fell “during the memorable Invasion, near the Third Gate of the Acropolis and for a long time, he remained fatally wounded in front of it, and it was not remove the body of this brave man”, neither by the Greeks, nor by the enemies. “But in the end the Greeks managed to pick him and bury him with honour a brave man deserves”.

 

Greek fighter defends his fatally injured father. Painting by the Hungarian painter Adalbert Schaffer (1815-1871). Oil on canvas (SHP collection).

Clock with a young fighter defending his wounded father (second quarter of the 19th century). Gold plated bronze, height: 46.5 cm (SHP collection).

 

According to another document, in the same file (file 1), it appears that Eggelis’ son was used to break the enemy lines to deliver letters from the government to General Karaiskakis and returned with a response inside the besieged Acropolis.

Some bibliographic sources state that the date of death of Aggelis Eggelis was December 15, 1821, while they add that one of his sons, also a fighter, Eleftherios (or Lefteris) was killed around the same time in the battles of Attica.

The 1961 edition of the Police Chronicles refers to a fighter named Eggeli (apparently one of Aggelis’ sons), and cites the year of his death to be 1827. D. Sourmelis places Eleftherios Eggelis among those who fell during the siege, but outside the fortress of the Acropolis.

Dimitris Kampouroglou, in his study on Daphni in the magazine ESTIA, refers to the fighter Eggelis and identifies him as “still living” and “a resident of Kolykynthou”, in 1920 (“… the sword was rescued falling on the enemies a friend of Eggelis, living until previous years in a very old age in Kolokynthou (Athens)”). Apparently it refers to the surviving son of Aggelis Eggelis.

A note at the end of the file states that Aggelis Eggelis from Attica was an officer of 5th class, with registration number 3085. Indeed, the Eleftheroudaki Encyclopedia in its entry on Aggelis Eggelis, volume 9, p. 16, states: “Eggelis Aggelis, Chieftain, originating from Attica. He excelled in various battles, becoming an officer of 5th class. He died during the raid against Athens (Registration No. 949, 3035, 3139 – 3145)”, confirming the facts.

From other sources (Koutsonikas, Sourmelis, Lappas), we learn that Aggelis Eggelis was born between 1770 and 1780, and died in 1821. He was a fighter of 1821 from Athens. With the beginning of the National Uprising, he was included in the body of the Chief Meletios Vassilios (1778-1826) from Menidi, great-great-great-grandfather of the mayor of Aspropyrgos, Mr. Nikolaos Meletios. He took part in many battles in Attica, fighting first with Meletios Vassilios, and then with Odysseus Androutsos. In September 1821, when the Turks ended the siege of Athens, he was the deputy leader of the group of the Athenian chieftain Dimos Roubesis, who fell heroically in a Battle against the Ottomans, led by Omer Vryonis himself. Roubesis rushed with Eggelis against Omer Vryonis, and they managed to throw him off the horse and snatch his sword. Roubesis was mortally wounded and died leaving the sword to Eggelis. The Eggeli family handed over this sword in September 1822 to Odysseus Androutsos, who was in Athens during the ceremony naming him General of eastern Central Greece. This sword was donated by Androutsos to Theodoros Kolokotronis in October of the same year, while he was visiting Nikitaras in Nafplio.

 

A clock with a Greek fighter identified with the image of Giaour (second quarter of the 19th century). Gold plated bronze, height: 54 cm (SHP collection).

 

Later, the sword was given to his grandson infantry Major Kolokotronis (PZ) and leader of the 1888 class of the Cadets School, George Panos Kolokotronis. He handed it over to the Historical and Ethnological Society of Greece, according to his will, which he had drawn up in September 1912, shortly before leaving for the front of the Balkan Wars, where he fell heroically in Kresna, on July 12, 1913.

Aggelis Eggelis and his eldest son Eleftherios, fell heroically in December 1821, during the siege of the Acropolis.

 

George Eggelis
One of his sons, the fighter Georgios Eggelis, undertook dangerous missions as a military messenger. “George also fell as a messenger sent from the besieged Acropolis to the surrounding Greek camps”.

Dimitrios Eggelis
Dimitrios Eggelis fought from the Acropolis during the siege by Kioutachis, and he was there when the Philhellenes and Fabvier broke the lines to bring food and amunition. “Although he survived, Dimitrios has a lot of scars from the fight on his body. He managed twice to cross the besieged lines of Kioutachis as the Messenger of the besieged to those outside and back again”. Soumerlis Dionysios (former notary) seems to have kept records of Dimitrios (Mitros) Eggelis. This includes a document belonging to the file and certified by important persons, which  states:
“The undersigned certify that Mitros Eggelis from Athens, fought from the beginning of the Revolution and was wounded and risked his life many times in various battles against the enemies, offered during the last siege of the Acropolis of Athens, two times in a row to pass through the enemies, as a messanger in the most critical circumstances of the Acropolis guard”.

Ioannis Egelis

“Ioannis finally, having his body full of wounds, became a farmer he m=survives with his three sons, without demanding compensations”.

Many documents referring to him are found in file 2 of the box, among them a report dated 19 April 1865, to which is attached a certificate with no. 26894, with confirmations by various fighters bearing their signatures, among them General Makrygiannis. According to the report and other certificates that we find in the file, some of which in many copies, Giannakos Eggelis served as an officer in the flagship of the Greek fleet “Hellas” during the years 1828 and 1829, under Miaoulis. He also fought on the Acropolis with 300 other Athenians, in the Peloponnese, and specifically in Neokastro where he was wounded, in Central Greece, in the campaign of Karystos and in the campaign of Chios, where he served as an officer under the French Philhellene Fabvier. The certificate dates back to 1843.

The participation of Aggelis Eggelis in the battle of Kamatero and the episode with Omer Vryonis, is confirmed by most of the historians of the Greek war of independence, especially those who wrote essays on the struggle in Attica, such as Sourmelis, Kokkinos and others.

Kokkinos in particular notes that “Vryonis’ terror from the personal attack he received from the chief Roubesis was such that his sword with which he tried to defend himself fell from his hand. The sword was taken by the comrade of Dimos Roubesis, Eggelis and later given to Odysseas Androutsos, as mentioned above, who in turn offered it to Kolokotronis“. In fact, after this incident, Omer Vryonis remained in all the battles in the rear.

The family tree of the Eggeli family follows:
1) Aggelis Egelis (first fighter).
2) his sons: Dimitrios (Mitros), Georgios and Ioannis (Giannakos) based on the archives, and Eleftherios based on the bibliography.
3) Dimitrios, left after his death two orphaned children, Panagi and Chrysoula and three orphaned grandchildren of his deceased son, Aggeli Eggeli (he was named after Dimitrios’ father and first fighter). These grandchildren were named Spyros, Eleni and Panagoula.

Today, the names of Eggelis and Roubesis were given to two streets that intersect in Neos Kosmos of Athens.

 

Kolokotronis’s sword; it was given to him by Androutsos, who had received it as a gift from the Eggeli family (National Historical Museum).

The point where Eggeli Street and Roubesi Street intersect in Neos Kosmos, Athens.

 

The history of the Eggeli family is identified with the most emblematic Figure of Philhellenism and the common struggle of the Greeks and the Philhellenes for the liberation of Athens and Greece.

 

 

SOURCES – BIBLIOGRAPHY

  • Αστυνομικά Χρονικά έτους 1961.
  • Εγκυκλοπαίδεια Ελευθερουδάκη, Τόμος 9, έκδ. 1979.
  • Εθνική Βιβλιοθήκη, Αρχείο Αγωνιστών, Κουτί 53, Φάκελοι 1 και 2.
  • Καμπούρογλου Δημήτριος, το Δαφνί, Εστία, 1920, σ. 73.
  • Κόκκινος Α. Διονύσιος, Η Ελληνική Επανάστασης, Αθήνα, Μέλισσα, 1957.
  • Κορδάτος Γιάννης, Ιστορία Νεώτερης Ελλάδας, 1957.
  • Κουτσονίκας Λάμπρος, ”Γενική Ιστορία της Ελληνικής Επαναστάσεως”, εκδ. Δ. Καρακατζάνη, Αθήνα, 1863, γ’ τόμος, σελ.78.
  • Λάππας Τάκης, ”Ελληνικά Ιστορικά Ανέκδοτα 1750-1862”, εκδ. Μ. Πεχλιβανίδη, Αθήνα, 1971, σελ. 24 και σελ.135.
  • Μαραβελέας Γ. Α, Η επανάσταση του 21 σε σαράντα μονογραφίες, 1983.
  • Σουρμελής Διονύσιος ”Ιστορία των Αθηνών κατά τον Υπέρ Ελευθερίας Αγώνα”, εκδ. Νικολάου Αγγελίδου, Αθήνα, 1853, σελ.24.

 

 

Portrait of General Sir Richard Church. Painter Spyridon Prosalentis (1830-1895). 19th century (SHP collection)

 

Richard Church (1784-1873), was a British officer, an important Philhellene, as well as one of the first organizers of the regular Greek Army.

He was the second son of Matthew Church, a merchant from Cork, Ireland, and Anne Dearman[1].

On July 3, 1800, at the age of 16, he enlisted in the British Army as a non-commissioned officer, placed in the 13th Somerset Infantry Regiment[2]. He fought against the French at the Battle of Ferrol in northern Spain in 1800 and during the campaign in Egypt under General Sir Ralph Abercromby in 1801[3]. After the withdrawal of the French army from Egypt, he returned to Great Britain, and in 1802 he was placed in the 37th Infantry Regiment with the rank of lieutenant[4].

During the Napoleonic Wars, in 1805 Church’s unit was sent to defend Sicily, while on January 7, 1806, Church himself, holding the rank of captain, was placed in the Royal Corsican Hunters Regiment. There he was for the first time in charge of commanding foreign troops, recruited among the local population. In October 1808 he became Assistant Quartermaster General in Sicily. In 1809 he was promoted to Quartermaster General and placed officer in the mission which occupied the Ionian Islands under General Sir John Oswald[5]. . On September 9, 1809, he was promoted to major in the Greek Light Infantry of the British Army, while on November 19, 1812 he was promoted to lieutenant colonel in the 1st Greek Light Infantry Regiment of the Duke of York[6].

Richard Church as an officer in the Greek Light Infantry of the Duke of York in the Ionian Islands in a painting of 1813.

Church was already particularly experienced in commanding foreign troops and he used his experience to effectively command troops recruited among the Greeks. In fact, this experience contributed to the creation of the 2nd Greek Light Infantry Regiment of the Duke of York, which was used in 1813 to occupy the Paxos island[7]. In the ranks of these units commanded by the Church, participated soldiers and officers, who came from fugitives from mainland Greece, such as Theodoros Kolokotronis. Church had developed a friendly relationship with the future military leader of the Greek Revolution, and maintained regular correspondence with him, which contributed to him remaining constantly up-to-date on the evolutions and to the cultivation of his Philhellenism[8].

After the end of the Napoleonic Wars, following complaints from the Ottoman administration, the Greek troops organized by the Church with the cooperation of other British officers were disbanded. However, their members had already gained valuable experience from the operation, organization and training of a regular army. This experience was used by Kolokotronis, but also by other fighters who took part later in the Greek Revolution of 1821.

During this period, before and after the Revolution of 1821, Church served in Malta, Naples, Sicily, Calabria. He was present at the battle of Maida, in the defense of Capri, where he was wounded in the head, in the occupation of Ischia, in the mission to the Ionian Islands, in the occupation of Zakynthos and Kefalonia. In the battle of Agia Mavra he was seriously injured in his left hand, which was hit by a bullet[9].

After his service in the Ionian Islands, Church was placed on a British government mission in the allied armies of Austria and Prussia and then he served as a liaison between the British and Austrian Armed Forces, which used Italy as their base, in 1814 -1815[10]. At the same time, he took part as a military expert in the Congress of Vienna, where he supported the stay of the Ionian Islands under British rule, but also of Parga and other former Venetian cities, which were then occupied by Ali Pasha[11]. For his work in the Ionian Islands, Italy and Vienna, he received in 1815 from the British government the title of the Knight of the Order of the Bath[12].

Church returned to Italy in 1817, at the suggestion of the government of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. With the permission of the British government, he took over in Italy the position of major General in the Sicilian Army, as well as the position of inspector of foreign troops, in the service of King Ferdinand I of the Two Sicilies. He served in Puglia, based in Lecce, where he managed to stop the attacks of local bandits who had been operating uncontrollably until then. His successful service also earned him the titles of Knight of the Order of St. Ferdinand of Naples and the Grand Cross of the Noblest Military Battalion of St. George of the Two Sicilies[13].

The end of Church’s career in Italy was dictated by the political turbulences that broke out there. After his successful tenure in Puglia, Church was offered the command of the 9th Battalion in Sicily, based in Palermo, in early July 1820. When Church went to Palermo, he was not allowed to take with him the army of foreigners, despite his desire, as he trusted them for being faithful to him. So when the revolution started locally, the Carbonari revolutionaries wanted to capture him. Church escaped arrest and returned to Naples on July 23, 1820, where he was arrested by the rebels, who had seized power there as well. He was imprisoned for some time and was released after a trial in which he was found not guilty. So in 1821 he returned to Great Britain, where he was honored with the title of Knight Commander of the Royal Hanoverian Guelphic Order[14].

Church married Marie-Anne Wilmot, daughter of Robert Wilmot, 2nd Baronet of Osmaston [15] , on August 17, 1826 in Worthing. At the same time he published his memoirs from the revolution in Palermo[16].

In parallel, all this time he maintained correspondence with Kolokotronis, with whom he had a relationship based on mutual respect. In fact, during the preparatory work of the Third National Assembly, which began in Epidaurus on April 6, 1826, Kolokotronis proposed Church to take over as commander-in-chief of the Greek Army. The continuation of the preparatory work of the National Assembly, which was scheduled for August 1826, was delayed due to the unfavorable situation of the country. The final date for the official opening of the Third National Assembly was decided after consultations of Church with Kolokotronis (whom he met in Kastri, Kynouria[17]), the British Admiral Thomas Cochrane (who took over as commander of the Greek Navy[18]) and the British admiral Rowan Hamilton. Finally, the Third National Assembly was formally convened in Troizina, on March 19, 1827[19], and took place there, from March to April 1827[20].

Kolokotronis’ proposal in favor of Church was voted during the Third National Assembly. It is worth noting that this proposal was supported by the other great military leader of the Greek Revolution, G. Karaiskakis. This is confirmed by a letter bearing his signature (“Karaiskakis”), sent to the Third National Assembly from Keratsini, on April 2, 1827. G. Karaiskakis proposes in his letter to the Third National Assembly, to assign the general command to Richard Church: «… For this I put in view of the Respectful Assembly, the person of the most eminent general Rikardou Zorzi (Richard Church), for whom we have valid information that he is indeed worth of such an assignment, and knowing the attitude of the army, I have all the certainty that he wants to direct the troops, he wants to unite them, and he wants to gather them to counter the common enemy, and therefore he wants to cause the liberation of the Athenians and the whole homeland … ».

A handwritten letter from G. Karaiskakis, in which he also supports the assignment to Church of the General Command of the Greek Army. (SHP collection).

The first mission of Cochrane and Church, was the reinforcement of Karaiskakis who was fighting in Faliro and Keratsini, to end the siege of the Acropolis. At this stage, the Turkish forces had superior armament, while they were also favored by the morphology of the ground which had the form of an open battlefield. Thus, this mission was particularly difficult, resulting in the Greek forces [21] suffering significant losses.After the death of Karaiskakis and the disbandment of the Greek army, Church showed courage and utmost prudence. He managed to save the men who were scattered on the shores, he took care of their boarding ships and their concentration in Faliro and Piraeus, and then he organized their transfer to the island of Salamis, where after a while most of the troops were gathered[22].

The Anti-Government Committee then entrusted Church with the administration of the military in Nafplio. After a few months, Church was placed in the fortress of Corinth. From there he was transferred to Diakopto in Vostitsa (today Aigio) and then to Eastern Greece mainland, where he remained until the arrival of Governor Ioannis Kapodistrias in Greece[23].

When Kapodistrias arrived, Church was sent to Western Greece mainland. His mission was to liberate the largest possible part of the wider region, in order to facilitate Kapodistrias’ efforts during the negotiation of the borders of the free Greek state. In the period 1828 – 1829, Church coordinated many operations of the troops of Western Greece in collaboration and with the help of the Greek fleet, in which the great Philhellene Hastings participated with the steam-powered “Karteria” and five other boats[24]. With these moves, the blockade of the Amvrakikos Gulf was achieved, and finally, Vonitsa, Aetoliko and Messolonghi were conquered. These operations were the last acts of the war for the liberation of Greece, which defined the borders of the newly formed Greek state in the mainland of Greece.

With the arrival of King Othon in Greece, the government of Spyridon Trikoupis offered to Church the position of ambassador to Russia, something that was not accepted by the Russian Czar[25].

Greece honored Church in 1833 with the Grand Cross of the Order of the Knights of the Redeemer[26]. Church was then appointed Councilor of the State and in 1836, he was appointed Inspector General of the Greek Army. In February 1843, he was in charge of the honorary procession at the funeral of Theodoros Kolokotronis[27].

In the Revolution of September 3, 1843, Church was chosen from among the Councilors of the State who were revolutionaries, as a mediator between them and Othon. In fact, the next day he co-signed the proclamation of the Council of State thanking the people and the guard of Athens for their behavior, and declaring September 3 as a national holiday. He was the fourth signatory after Mavromichalis, Koundouriotis and Notaras[28].

One month later, in October 1843, he was elected plenipotentiary of Zygos, Aetolia to the National Assembly of the Greeks on September 3, representing an area of Western Greece that he liberated in 1828-1829 and was elected a member of the Senate[29].

A meeting of the 1844 National Assembly, attended by Church, marked his history and the one of the Parliament. This meeting was marked by the conflict between the indigenous residents of the new Greek state and the Greeks who came from other parts of the Ottoman empire, which were still occupied. The former claimed that only those who came from the liberated areas of Greece could be appointed as civil servants. Supporters of the Greeks from abroad demanded that the rights apply to all Greeks. Church sided with the non-natives, being consistent with the spirit of philhellenism and not that of expediency. His speech on the issue remains legendary, as it contained only one word: “Gaiduria!” (“donkeys!”), expressing his indignation for the attitude of the deputies in favour of the indigenous – natives.

Church retired from military service in 1844 at the age of 60. However, he remained a senator until the abolition of the Senate in 1864[30].

In 1854, he was promoted to honorary general of the Greek Army, in order to be honored for his services during the Struggle and in the first years of the existence of the new Greek state.

General Richard Church enjoyed the appreciation of the Greek and British societies of his time and he was regularly visited by King George I during the last years of his life[32]. Church died of an illness on Thursday, March 8, 1873, and was buried in the First Cemetery of Athens at public expense on March 15, 1873[33]. The funeral was delayed in anticipation of his nephew, who was expected from England. The funeral procession took place in the Protestant church on Filellinon Street in the presence of the king and a crowd of officials. The tomb monument, opposite to the sanctuary of St. Lazarus, bears an English inscription on the front and the corresponding Greek one on the back: “Richard Church, General, who having given himself and all he had, to rescue a Christian race from oppression, and to make Greece a nation, lived for her service, and died among her people, rests here in peace and faith “. An epitaph speech was delivered on March 15, 1873, by the Minister of Justice Panagiotis Chalkiopoulos[34] and then in English, the later National Benefactor and then diplomat, Ioannis Gennadios[35].

SHP and Greece honor the memory of General Richard Church, a remarkable and noble British Philhellene, who fought for the Greek rights and who was honored for this action with high positions of responsibility in the new Greek state, while enjoying the appreciation and respect of the Greek society.

First Cemetery of Athens. The tomb of General Richard Church.

 

References

[1] Jewers, Arthur John, “Wells Cathedral: its monumental inscriptions and heraldry: together with the heraldry of the palace, deanery, and vicar’s close: with annotations from wills, registers, etc., and illustrations of arms”, εκδ.  Nichel and Hughes, Λονδίνο, 1892.
[2] Philipart, John, “The Royal Military Calendar”, εκδ. A.J. Valpy, Λονδίνο, 1820, δ’ τόμος, σελ. 436 -437.
[3]  Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[4] Jewers, Arthur John, “Wells Cathedral: its monumental inscriptions and heraldry: together with the heraldry of the palace, deanery, and vicar’s close: with annotations from wills, registers, etc., and illustrations of arms”, εκδ.  Nichel and Hughes, Λονδίνο, 1892.
[5] Dakin, Douglas, “The Greek struggle for independence, 1821-1833”, εκδ. University of California Press, Berkley, 1973, σελ. 33.
[6]  Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[7]  Chartrand, Rene, Courcelle, Patrice, “Émigré & Foreign Troops in British Service 1803 – 1815”, εκδ. Osprey, Λονδίνο, 2000, σελ. 20.
[8] “Εγκυκλοπαιδικό Λεξικό Ελευθερουδάκη”, εκδ. Ελευθερουδάκη, Αθήνα,  1931, 12ος τόμος.
[9] Philipart, John, ‘’The Royal Military Calendar’’, εκδ. A.J. Valpy, Λονδίνο, 1820, δ’ τόμος, σελ. 436 -437.
[10] Church, R. W., “Occasional Papers selected from the ‘’Guardian’’, the ‘’Times’’ and the ‘’Saturday Review’’ 1846-1890”, εκδ. Macmillan, Λονδίνο, 1897.
[11] Church, E.M., “Chapters in an Adventurous Life: Sir Richard Church in Italy and Greece”, εκδ. William Blackwood & Sons, Λονδίνο, 1895.
[12] Εγκυκλοπαίδεια ’Brittanica’, εκδ. Cambridge University Press, Λονδίνο, 1911, 6ος τόμος, σελ. 325.
[13] Jewers, Arthur John, “Wells Cathedral: its monumental inscriptions and heraldry: together with the heraldry of the palace, deanery, and vicar’s close: with annotations from wills, registers, etc., and illustrations of arms”, εκδ.  Nichel and Hughes, Λονδίνο, 1892.
[14]
[15] Περ. ‘’The Gentleman’s Magazine’’, φύλλο Αυγούστου 1826, Λονδίνο, 1826.
[16] Church, Richard, “Lieutenant General Sir Richard Church’s personal narrative of the revolution at Palermo, in the year 1820”, εκδ. περ. ‘’Monthly Magazine’’, Λονδίνο, 1826.
[17] St Clair, William, “That Greece Might Still Be Free. The Philhellenes in the War of Independence”, εκδ. Open Book Publishers, Λονδίνο, 2008, σελ. 326.
[18] ‘’Αρχεία της Ελληνικής Παλιγγενεσίας’’, εκδ. Βιβλιοθήκη της Βουλής των Ελλήνων, Αθήνα, 1971, γ’ τόμος, σελ. 421.
[19] Μάμουκας, Ανδρέας, “Τα κατά την αναγέννησιν της Ελλάδος. Ήτοι, συλλογή των περί την αναγεννώμενην Ελλάδα συνταχθέντων πολιτευμάτων, νόμων και άλλων επισήμων πράξεων από του 1821 μέχρι του 1832”, εκδ. Τυπογραφίας Ηλίου Χριστοφίδου ‘’Η αγαθή τύχη’’, Πειραιάς, 1839, τόμος 7ος.
[20] ‘’Αρχεία της Ελληνικής Παλιγγενεσίας’’, εκδ. Βιβλιοθήκη της Βουλής των Ελλήνων, Αθήνα, 1971, γ’ τόμος, σελ. 410.
[21] Κουτσονίκας, Λάμπρος, “Γενική ιστορία της ελληνικής επαναστάσεως”, εκδ. Δ. Καρακατζάνη, Αθήνα, 1863, δ’ τόμος, σελ. 331.
[22] Χρυσανθόπουλος, Φώτιος  (Φωτάκος), “Βίοι Πελοποννησίων ανδρών και των εξώθεν εις την Πελοπόννησον ελθόντων κληρικών, στρατιωτικών και πολιτικών των αγωνισαμένων τον αγώνα της επαναστάσεως”, εκδ. Π. Δ. Σακελλαρίου, Αθήνα, 1888, σελ. 260.
[23] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[24]  Αλληλογραφία Church – Υψηλάντη, Συλλογή Βλαχογιάννη, Γενικά Αρχεία του Κράτους, Αθήνα, Φάκελος 290.
[25] Church, E.M., ‘’Chapters in an Adventurous Life: Sir Richard Church in Italy and Greece’’, εκδ. William Blackwood & Sons, Λονδίνο, 1895.
[26] Κλάδης, Α. Ι., ‘’Επετηρίς του Βασιλείου της Ελλάδος’’, εκδ. Βασιλική Τυπογραφία & Λιθογραφία, Αθήνα, 1837.
[27]  Εφ. ‘’Η Ταχύπτερος Φήμη’’, φύλλο 3ης Φεβρουαρίου 1843, Αθήνα, 1843.
[28] Church, E.M., ‘’Chapters in an Adventurous Life: Sir Richard Church in Italy and Greece’’, εκδ. William Blackwood & Sons, Λονδίνο, 1895.
[29]  Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[30]  Γράψας, Κ.Μ. , ‘’Ελληνική Πολιτική Εγκυκλοπαίδεια’’, εκδ. Βουλή των Ελλήνων, Αθήνα, 1948, β’ τόμος, σελ. 12.
[31] ‘’Εφημερίς της Κυβερνήσεως του Βασιλείου της Ελλάδος’’ , ΦΕΚ 10ης Φεβρουαρίου 1854, Αθήνα, 1854 , Β.Δ. 6/1854.
[32] Εφ. ‘’Αιών’’, φύλλο 5ης Μαρτίου 1873, Αθήνα, 1873.
[33] Εφ. ‘’Αλήθεια’’, φύλλο 9ης Μαρτίου 1873, Αθήνα, 1873.
[34] Εφ. ‘’Αιών’’, φύλλο 21ης  Μαρτίου 1873, Αθήνα, 1873.
[35] Εφ. ‘’Εφημερίς των Συζητήσεων ‘’, φύλλο 15ης Μαρτίου 1873, Αθήνα, 1873.

 

Bibliography – Sources

  • Jewers, Arthur John, “Wells Cathedral: its monumental inscriptions and heraldry: together with the heraldry of the palace, deanery, and vicar’s close: with annotations from wills, registers, etc., and illustrations of arms”, εκδ. Nichel and Hughes, Λονδίνο, 1892.
  • Philipart, John, “The Royal Military Calendar”, εκδ. J. Valpy, Λονδίνο, 1820, δ’ τόμος.
  • Dakin, Douglas, “The Greek struggle for independence, 1821-1833”, εκδ. University of California Press, Berkley, 1973.
  • Chartrand, Rene, Courcelle, Patrice, “Émigré & Foreign Troops in British Service 1803 – 1815”, εκδ. Osprey, Λονδίνο, 2000.
  • “Εγκυκλοπαιδικό Λεξικό Ελευθερουδάκη”, εκδ. Ελευθερουδάκη, Αθήνα, 1931, 12ος τόμος.
  • Church, R. W., “Occasional Papers selected from the ’Guardian’, the ’Times’ and the ’Saturday Review’ 1846-1890”, εκδ. Macmillan, Λονδίνο, 1897.
  • Church, E.M., “Chapters in an Adventurous Life: Sir Richard Church in Italy and Greece”, εκδ. William Blackwood & Sons, Λονδίνο, 1895.
  • Εγκυκλοπαίδεια ‘’Brittanica’’, εκδ. Cambridge University Press, Λονδίνο, 1911, 6ος τόμος.
  • Περ. “The Gentleman’s Magazine”, φύλλο Αυγούστου 1826, Λονδίνο, 1826.
  • Church, Richard, “Lieutenant General Sir Richard Church’s personal narrative of the revolution at Palermo, in the year 1820”, εκδ. περ. “Monthly Magazine”, Λονδίνο, 1826.
  • “Αρχεία της Ελληνικής Παλιγγενεσίας”, εκδ. Βιβλιοθήκη της Βουλής των Ελλήνων, Αθήνα, 1971, γ’ τόμος.
  • St Clair, William, “That Greece Might Still Be Free. The Philhellenes in the War of Independence”, εκδ. Open Book Publishers, Λονδίνο, 2008.
  • Μάμουκας, Ανδρέας, “Τα κατά την αναγέννησιν της Ελλάδος. Ήτοι, συλλογή των περί την αναγεννώμενην Ελλάδα συνταχθέντων πολιτευμάτων, νόμων και άλλων επισήμων πράξεων από του 1821 μέχρι του 1832”, εκδ. Τυπογραφίας Ηλίου Χριστοφίδου “Η αγαθή τύχη”, Πειραιάς, 1839, τόμος 7ος.
  • Κουτσονίκας, Λάμπρος, “Γενική ιστορία της ελληνικής επαναστάσεως”, εκδ. Δ.Καρακατζάνη, Αθήνα, 1863, δ’ τόμος.
  • Χρυσανθόπουλος, Φώτιος (Φωτάκος), “Βίοι Πελοποννησίων ανδρών και των εξώθεν εις την Πελοπόννησον ελθόντων κληρικών, στρατιωτικών και πολιτικών των αγωνισαμένων τον αγώνα της επαναστάσεως”, εκδ. Π. Δ. Σακελλαρίου, Αθήνα, 1888.
  • Αλληλογραφία Church – Υψηλάντη, Συλλογή Βλαχογιάννη, Γενικά Αρχεία του Κράτους, Αθήνα, Φάκελος 290.
  • Κλάδης, Α. Ι., “Επετηρίς του Βασιλείου της Ελλάδος”, εκδ. Βασιλική Τυπογραφία & Λιθογραφία, Αθήνα, 1837.
  • Εφ. “Η Ταχύπτερος Φήμη”, φύλλο 3ης Φεβρουαρίου 1843, Αθήνα, 1843.
  • Γράψας, Κ.Μ., “Ελληνική Πολιτική Εγκυκλοπαίδεια”, εκδ. Βουλή των Ελλήνων, Αθήνα, 1948, β’ τόμος.
  • “Εφημερίς της Κυβερνήσεως του Βασιλείου της Ελλάδος”, ΦΕΚ 10ης Φεβρουαρίου 1854, Αθήνα, 1854 , Β.Δ. 6/1854.
  • Εφ. “Αιών”, φύλλο 5ης Μαρτίου 1873, Αθήνα, 1873.
  • Εφ. “Αλήθεια”, φύλλο 9ης Μαρτίου 1873, Αθήνα, 1873.
  • Εφ. Αιών”, φύλλο 21ης Μαρτίου 1873, Αθήνα, 1873.
  • Εφ. “Εφημερίς των Συζητήσεων”, φύλλο 15ης Μαρτίου 1873, Αθήνα, 1873.

 

Portrait of Winckelmann, by Angelika Kauffmann (1764)

 

“In Gegenden, wo die Künste geblüht haben, sind auch die schönsten Menschen gezeugt worden” (“In areas where the arts flourished, the most beautiful people were created”).

Johann Joachim Winckelmann (1717 – 1768) was the first German archaeologist, in the contemporary sense of the word, and an important teacher of art. His major work, “History of Ancient Art” (Geschichte der Kunst des Alterthums, 1764) is the cornerstone of the science of archaeology and contemporary art history. By equipping archaeology with the scientific method it lacked up to that point, he released it from the status of an amateur occupation for “noble gentlemen“. He put in evidence the superiority of Greek, classical antiquity, over Hellenistic and Roman, and founded German classicism on Greek archaeology in a revolutionary manner for his time. He was murdered under unknown circumstances at the age of just fifty in Trieste. The day he died, he was carrying in his luggage his beloved books, which determined his whole thought and course: those of Homer.

Winckelmann was born about 70 years before the French Revolution and 100 years before the Greek Revolution. He was the most famous son of the city of Stendal (from Altmark, Sachsen-Anhalt) in former Prussia. He has been a genuinely liberal and pioneering spirit that influenced the greatest men of Germany (Lessing, Goethe, Herder, Schiller), Lord Byron, even the admirers of the French Revolution and later Napoleon. Goethe himself described the 18th century as “Winckelmann‘s century”, thus defining the measure of his importance, which is admirable, considering that Johann Joachim Winckelmann was born in a poor, impoverished Prussian city due to the Thirty Years’ War (1618 – 1648), and was the only son of a shoemaker. Nevertheless, the education of the only son of the family was at the centre of attention for his parents, who sent him to the primary Latin school in their city (städtische Lateinschule). Thanks to his participation in a choir for poor students, he manages to acquire his books as well as free access to seminars. As a student he meets Esaias Wilhelm Tappert, the almost blind school principal, to whom he becomes a trusted assistant and a book reader. This experience, as well as the role of a supervisor for the school library, offer him his first acquaintance with important writings of English and French authors, which will gradually ignite in him the idea of political freedom. Early on in his life, he formed the perception that Prussia was an oppressing state, where he has felt “what it means to be a slave“, as he will later comment.

WINCKELMANN, Johann Joachim, lithography (SHP collection)

Encouraged by Tappert, the eighteen-year-old Winckelmann visited the Cöllnisches Gymnasium zu Berlin in March 1735, where he remained until the autumn of 1736. He studied constitutional theory, natural sciences and expanded his knowledge of the Greek language and literature. It is quite possible that the starting point for the evolution of his philhellenic spirit is rooted in this period of his life. During this time he meets Christian Tobias Damm, the High School‘s vice-president who specializes in Mythology. Damm transmits his love for Homer to Winckelmann, which fuels his passion for the antiquity, its art and philosophy. Homer will remain his favorite author until his death. In November 1736 he returned to his hometown and continued his studies at the Salzwedeler Gymnasium, while teaching Greek at the same time. The rector of Bake School describes him as a “restless and unstable person” (homo vagus et inconstans).

In April 1738 he enrolled as a student of Theology in Halle, where he attended with great interest the lectures of Alexander Gottlieb Baumgarten (1714–1762), founder of Aesthetics in Germany. He also attended the seminar of the physician and philologist Johann Heinrich Schulze (1687–1744) on the Greek and Roman antiquities according to ancient numismatics. The study of numismatics probably equipped him with a detail-oriented describing ability, which he used later for the description of artworks, such as the famous Laocoon-complex in “The History of Ancient Art” (Geschichte der Kunst des Alterthums, 1764). His obsession with the exhaustive recording of human body parts as a basis for an artistic analysis of ancient Greek statues i.e. for Apollo Belvedere, is related to his brief, unaccomplished studies in Medicine at the University of Jena (May 1741). One could assume that his homosexuality, which was confirmed by many persons who studied his life, was a second reason for his obsession with the beauty of the human body, especially the male one.

In the following years he worked as a private teacher of Greek and Latin for families, in order to earn a living. At the same time, he carried out literary, philosophical and historical studies, which are now housed in the Bibliothèque nationale de France (in Paris). He considered this period of his life as rather burdensome. He worked as a teacher and vice-rector at the Lateinschule Seehausen (1742). It is reported that he worked there exhaustingly, to the point of physical collapse. However, the fervor with which he taught Greek remained without a response by the Prussian youth. The limited mental horizons of the Prussian province made Winckelmann feel soon oppressed and uninspired.

The way out of Seehausen’s boredom will be offered by Count Heinrich von Bünau’s proposal to move to Schloss Nöthnitz near Dresden and take on the role of librarian in a very important, publicly accessible private library of the time. Winckelmann’s life was often marked by the appearance of important people with prestige, who opened him paths for personal development. Winckelmann was probably a pleasant, refined character, flexible in his social interactions. He soon impressed the Pope’s ambassador, Alberico Archinto, when he visited the library. Archinto invited him to Rome to take on the role of librarian at the city of Vatican. This position was very important for Winckelmann, as the Vatican library was the center of knowledge of the world. A condition for Winckelmann‘s acceptance into the Vatican, was his conversion from Lutheranism to Catholicism, which he gladly accepted, in order to expand his mental horizons. Being a visual person (“Augenmensch“), he will devote himself to an unhampered study of artworks in Rome.

Rome was instrumental in the emergence of the art historian and archaeologist Winckelmann. There he met the early classicist painter Anton Raphael Mengs, in whose house he lived, with whom he shared the same love for Greek art. He also met the young German artist Angelica Kauffmann (1741-1807), who created, on behalf of the Swiss painter Johann Kaspar Füßli (1706–1782), Winckelmann´s portrait in 1764.

Kauffmann, Angelika, lithography (SHP collection)

As Archinto´s protégé, he acquires connections with Italian scholars and has the opportunity to visit their libraries. After Archinto’s death, Winckelmann became a protégé of Cardinal Alessandro Albani, who contributed to his appointment as a commissioner of the roman antiquities (1763), a position of the highest influence and prestige. Winckelmann guided high-ranking officials through the ancient city of Rome and made archaeological trips as a researcher. Between 1758 -1767 he completed four trips to the destroyed cities of Pompeii, Herculaneum and Stavia. Winckelmann developed a first standard scheme for the scientific description of excavations using references to the aforementioned archaeological sites. In Paestum he sees Greek temples for the first time, a fact that fascinates him. He describes his experiences in the work “Anmerkungen über die Baukunst der Alten” (“Remarks on the Architecture of the Ancients”, 1761).

The main work of Winckelmann appears at the beginning of 1764, “The History of the Art of Antiquity” (“Geschichte der Kunst des Alterthums”). In this work he presents the evolution of art based on the sequence of style periods, using Greek art as the main example. He defines the following eras in of ancient Greek art and literature: (a) the era of the “archaic style”, which is the one with the longest duration of all (7th-6th century BC), (b) the era of the “high style”, which expresses the artistic culmination of the classical era of the 5th century. Its representatives are Pheidias, Praxitelis, Lysippos and Apellis, (c) the era of Praxitelis’ “beautiful style”, and, finally (d) the era of decline of the ancient art and literature. The value of his work lies in the accurate description of the characteristics of each artistic period. In this way he created a methodological tool for classifying works, not exclusively for the science of classical archeology. At the core of his work are the impressive and detailed descriptions of the artistic masterpieces.

Following Winckelmann´s order to this day, we refer to the two main eras of Greek art (5th and 4th century BC), as classical. This arrangement derives from ancient classicism: Winckelmann was influenced by the author Pliny and his thesis that Greek art began to decline after Alexander the Great. Winckelmann’s liberal spirit linked the negative evolution of the decline of the arts with the emergence of monarchies after Alexander’s death. The decline of art is related to the loss of the democratic public and the emergence of an art for private use. In other words, he believes that art leads to a dead end when its aim is to be displayed in private, while political freedom is the necessary precondition for the existence of high art.

WINCKELMANN, Johann Joachim, lithography (SHP collection)

 

Winckelmann’s Philhellenism derived from his need for political freedom

For Winckelmann, ancient Greek statues present the highest ideal of art. This axiom is expressed for the first time in his work “Thoughts on the imitation of Greek works in painting and sculpture” (“Gedanken über die Nachahmung der griechischen Werke in der Malerey und Bildhauerkunst”, 1756). Greek works are characterized by “gentle simplicity and quiet grandeur” (“edle Einfalt und stille Größe”). He encourages artists to imitate the works of antiquity, in the creative manner of the Aristotelian μιμείσθαι: not mechanically, but creatively, in a manner that leads them to knowledge.

In our time, the idea for the artistic supremacy of classical antiquity seems self-evident. However, this was not the case at all in Winckelmann’s time. It was his own courage that highlighted classical Greek antiquity over Hellenistic and Roman antiquity. Born in a country that he considered to be oppressive, the young Winckelmann traces the model of political freedom back to the Athenian democracy. He defines Greek democracy as the opposite of Roman authoritarianism, and defines the era of Pericles as the first flourishing period for Greek art. This was a groundbreaking concept for his time, as the French culture of the period also widespread in German courtyards, traced its origins to Roman antiquity. The enlightened Winckelmann brings Greek democracy and art in contrast with Roman despotism, heavy baroque art, as well as the superficial and a-political art of rococo. This does not only concern aesthetic preferences, but also political ones, as the aesthetic and philosophical superiority of ancient Greek art is inextricably linked to the democracy of Pericles.

It is also important to note that before Winckelmann restored ancient art to the level at which it needs to be placed, Christianity ridiculed ancient art for its decline and disappearance.

With his positions in favor of ancient Greek art, he inaugurates for his time a controversy between the devotees of Roman and the proponents of ancient Greek art. The latter were the “modernists” of the period. Winckelmann defined the foundation of German classicism on Greek antiquity, and in this way he differentiated it from French and Italian classicism that focused on Roman antiquity. This conversion was equivalent to a spiritual revolution.

WINCKELMANN, Johann Joachim, lithography (SHP collection)

For Winckelmann, the moral influence of ancient Greek art is important, both for the artist as well as for its recipient. The artist is led through imitation to knowledge: “he must feel the power of the spirit, which he engraved on the marble“. While the one who sees the statues, finds in them examples for a specific way of life. The “calm grandeur” of Laocoon, has, for example, a moral influence on his observer, as Laocoon does not raise “any terrible voice, as Virgil proclaims” about the hero. “The opening of the mouth does not allow such a thing, it shows more a restless sigh (…) his misery reaches his soul, but we wish, just like this great man, that we too can endure the misery“. Respectively, the observer learns to endure his sufferings in a modest way.

The “calm grandeur” of Laocoon

Winckelmann believes that for Greeks, art and philosophy are identical concepts. His favorite role model is Socrates, who besides being a philosopher was also a sculptor. The combination of art and philosophy is what makes Greek works worthy of imitation. A demanding objective to achieve, indeed:

“The highest standard of art for the thinking man is the human, at least his external appearance, and this is just as difficult to examine for the artist, as it is for the philosopher to explore their inner, and the most difficult is, what does not appear, it is beauty, because in reality, it this does not fall into number and measure”.

(Erinnerung über die Betrachtung der Werke der Kunst, 1759)

Winckelmann admires the uniqueness of the Greeks, their “gentle and flexible kindness, which accompanies a living and happy existence“. And he recalls that: “in areas where the arts flourished, the most beautiful people were also created.”

«In Gegenden, wo die Künste geblüht haben, sind auch die schönsten Menschen gezeugt worden».

( Schriften über die Nachahmung der alten Kunstwerke, 1756)

Winckelmann continued to work on art history throughout his life. In 1767 he published the “Notes on the History of Ancient Art” (Anmerkungen über die Geschichte der Kunst des Alterthums, Dresden 1767).

Winckelmann J., “Histoire de l’art chez les anciens”, Saillant, Paris, 1766. This is the first edition of Winckelmann’s work in French (SHP collection).

His first work represented a preliminary stage for the revised second edition of Art History. The book appeared after his death in Vienna in 1776.

“Winckelmann JJ, Geschichte der Kunst des Altertums” (History of Ancient Art), Vienna, 1776. The work that established Art History as a separate scientific discipline. Winckelmann defines here classical ancient art as an ideal model, worthy of imitation by contemporary artists (SHP collection).

Ηis great work, “Monumenti antichi inediti, spiegati ed illustrati” (1776) includes unpublished ancient monuments. It was positively accepted by the public. In this work he made detailed descriptions of unpublished monuments and interpreted their representations in their mythological context, defining new paths in archaeological interpretation.

In 1763 he presented part of his work to Pope Clemens XII. This seems to have been the peak of his career. He was already an official member of numerous Academies, including the Accademia di Cortona, the Accademia di San Luca in Rome, the Society of Antiquities in London and the Academy of Göttingen.

His unexpected and tragic death shocked many in Europe, as Winckelmann was a man of general and sincere acceptance. An incidental acquaintance he made at the port of Trieste with a man of the underworld named Arcangeli, was fatal for the then fifty-year-old Winckelmann.

Winckelmann wanted to return home and visit a number of prominent friends and institutions in Germany. Thus, he left Rome on April 10, 1768 and crossed the Alps with his friend sculptor, Bartolomeo Cavaceppi. During the trip he suddenly became ill and decided to return to Rome. His friends took him to Regensburg, and then to Vienna, where he was received by Empress Maria Theresia. Then he traveled to Trieste to take a ferry to Ancona and then go to Rome. Due to the delay of the ship, he was forced to stay in a hotel in Trieste. On June 8, 1768, he was murdered in the room where he was staying, by Francesco Arcangeli, who had previously been convicted of theft. In his apology, Arcangeli said that he found some books written in a strange language in the victim’s luggage: they were the Homeric epics. His assassin was executed on July 20, 1768.

His unjust murder did not allow the great Philhellene Winckelmann to travel to Greece. The first archaeologist in history never managed to visit the Parthenon, nor to tour Olympia, the excavation of which he eagerly desired. The intellectual world of Europe was shocked by his unexpected loss. An overwhelmed Goethe refers in his memoirs to the news of Winckelmann’s death, which fell “like a thunderbolt in the clear sky.” While the German writer Gotthold Ephraim Lessing, who contradicted Winckelmann’s positions in his work “Laokoon oder Über die Grenzen der Malerei und Poesie” (Laokoon or on the limits of painting and poetry, 1767) wrote that he would gladly offer Winckelmann years of his own life.

In 1822, Antonio Bosa designed and built a burial monument in his honor in the San Giusto Cemetery in Trieste.

The cenotaph of Antonio Bosa in memory of Winckelmann

Numerous posthumous portraits of this great man were also created. Between 1777 and 1782, the sculptor Friedrich Wilhelm Eugen Döll from Gotha, with the support of Winckelmann’s friends Anton Raphael Mengs, Johann Friedrich Reiffenstein and Anton von Maron, created three versions of a bust of him. During the 19th century, Winckelmann was honoured with busts and statues throughout Europe.

Bust of Winckelmann by sculptor Friedrich Wilhelm Doell

The founder of classical archeology is honoured to this day. His birthday (December 9) is celebrated in all German archaeological institutes around the world. Classical archaeologists conduct a series of lectures published in the “Winckelmann programs” (“Winckelmannprogramme”). The Department of Classical Archaeology at Humboldt University in Berlin carries his name: “Winckelmann Institute”. Since 1929 the German Archaeological Institute awards the Winckelmann Medal, a tradition which was also adopted as of 1960 by his hometown, Stendal. In Stendal, the Winckelmann-Gesellschaft was founded in 1940, with the aim of disseminating the work of their most important compatriot. The Winckelmann-Gesellschaft is responsible for the museum in his honour from 2000 onwards.

Winckelmann statue, Winckelmannplatz, Stendal, Germany

Although he never visited Athens, Greeks honour his memory. They offered it to a small street southeast of Athens’ first cemetery, Winkelman Street (“οδός Βίνκελμαν“).

Winkelman Street in Athens

This great scientist, a man of spirit and intellect, identified ancient Greece and the system of art, culture, democracy and the values that it represents, as the cradle of civilization of the western world. Thus he laid the touchstone for a series of extreme developments in Europe. Neoclassicism, the Enlightenment, Romanticism, and finally, Philhellenism, relied heavily on the work and ideas of this noble man.

More particularly as far as Greece is concerned, Winckelmann’s work was the spark that ignited a series of processes that eventually led to the liberation struggle of the Greeks.

SHP and the Greeks honour Johann Joachim Winckelmann to whom both they and the entire western world owe the freedom of Greece.

 

Sources and Bibliography:

  • Johann Joachim Winckelmann, Gedanken über die Nachahmung der griechischen Werke in der Malerey und Bildhauerkunst.Zweyte vermehrte Auflage. Walther, Dresden/Leipzig 1756.
  • Erika Simon, Der Philhellenismus des Johann Joachim Winckelmann, Würzburg, http://www.europa-zentrum-wuerzburg.de/, Griechisch-Deutsche Initiative.
  • Martin Disselkamp/ Fausto Testa (Hg.), Winckelmann- Handbuch. Leben- Werk- Wirkung. J.B.Metzler Verlag, Stuttgart, 2017.
  • Wolfgang von Wangenheim, Der verworfene Stein, Verlag Matthes-Seitz, Berlin 2005.
  • www.winckelmann-gesellschaft.com.
  • Spiros Moskovou, 300 χρόνια γερμανική ελληνολατρεία, Deutsche Welle (ηχητικό απόσπασμα).
  • Δημήτρης Καλαντζής, Ο γιός του τσαγκάρη που έκανε την Ευρώπη να λατρέψει την Αρχαία Ελλάδα.
  • Mιχάλης Α. Τιβέριος, Ιωάννης-Ιωακείμ Βίνκελμαν (Johann Joachim Winckelmann), ο θεμελιωτής της Αρχαιολογίας, 24 γράμματα.
  • Αλέξανδρος Κεσίσογλου, Ο Winckelmann και η εποχή μας, ΤΟ ΒΗΜΑ, 24 Νοεμβρίου 2008.

 

 

Armenia and the people of Armenia, are once more under attack by the forces of Azerbaijan, assisted by the Neo-Ottoman regime of Erdogan, which uses violence and terror to impose itself in the broader region, constituting a major threat for peace and for the values of our western civilization (Armenia being one of its pillars).

This article will reveal an unknown period of the life of Lord Byron, during his stay in Venice in 1816.

Plaque outside the Armenian Monastery in the island of San Lazzaro in Venice
“To the memory of the English Poet,
LORD BYRON,
Devoted friend of Armenia,
Who died for the liberation of Greece.”

“The visitor will be convinced that
There are other and better things
Even in this life.”
Byron, 1788 – 1824

During his visit in Venice in 1816, Lord Byron studied the Armenian language at the Armenian Monastery in the island of San Lazzaro, he assisted in the preparation of the first Armenian – English dictionary and financed its first publication.

On 5 December 1816, Byron wrote in a letter to his friend Thomas Moore:

“By way of divertisement, I am studying daily, at an Armenian monastery, the Armenian language. I found that my mind wanted something craggy to break upon; and this — as the most difficult thing I could discover here for an amusement — I have chosen, to torture me into attention. It is a rich language, however, and would amply repay any one the trouble of learning it. I try, and shall go on;—but I answer for nothing, least of all for my intentions or my success.”

Entrance to the monastery at San Lazzaro degli Armeni, Venice

The island of San Lazzaro was the world’s centre for Armenian culture since 1717, the year in which it was donated to the Armenian abbot Mekhitar, the founder of the Mekhitarist order, a congregation of Benedictine monks of the Armenian Catholic Church. This is probably the most important repository of Armenian culture outside Armenia, with a museum and a library containing manuscripts and rare editions, like “Byron’s grammar”. The monastery was considered by Napoleon a cultural institution, which let it survive the Emperor’s decision to abolish all religious institutions in the city of Venice.

In the same letter of 5 December 1816, Byron went on:

“There are some very curious MSS. in the monastery, as well as books; translations also from Greek originals, now lost, and from Persian and Syriac, &c.; besides works of their own people.”

Manuscripts and books in Byron’s studio

 

Byron was conveyed every day by gondola to San Lazzaro, where he often remained in the convent from morning until evening working in a room and in the library, where he studied Armenian.

 

In spite of Byron’s efforts, the language proved to be very difficult to master.

“To Hobhouse, 19 December 1816

My Armenian lectures still continue. I have about mastered thirty of the thirty-eight cursed scratches of Mesrob, the maker of alphabets, and some words of one syllable. My lessons are in the Psalms and Father Pasqual is a very attentive preceptor.”

The monks devoted their time in teaching Byron their language, who, in turn, to repay them for the tuition he received, financed the publication of the Librarian’s Armenian-English grammar:

“By way of requital for his instructions (as I could not offer sordid money to these friars), I have taken upon me the expenses of his Armenian and English grammar, which is now printing. It costs but a thousand francs to print five hundred copies, and being the first published in these joint languages, I think ”I do the state some service,” almost as much as Mr. Valpy of Tooke’s Court, who is Polidori’s printer.”

AUCHER, P. Paschal. A Grammar of Armenian and English. Venice: The Armenian Press of St. Lazarus, 1832. The second improved and enlarged edition. “In the present edition will be found some specimens of Armenian Poetry, and some translations of Lord Byron from the Armenian into English; and there are added, by way of exercise, extracts from the best Armenian writers”.

In another letter of 24 December 1816, to Mr. Moore, he wrote:

“My ‘way of life’ is fallen into great regularity. In the mornings I go over in my gondola to hobble Armenian with the friars of the convent of St. Lazarus, and to help one of them in correcting the English of an English and Armenian grammar which he is publishing.”

In the letter of 27 December 1816 he gives once again details of this daily routine, as well as of Father Pasquale:

“I am going on with my Armenian studies in a morning, and assisting and stimulating in the English portion of an English and Armenian grammar, now publishing at the convent of St. Lazarus. The superior of the friars is a bishop, and a fine old fellow, with the beard of a meteor. Father Paschal is also a learned and pious soul. He was two years in England.”

Finally, in another letter, Byron mentions a preface he had written and that was unfortunately omitted from the Grammar. The reason was probably because Father Pasquale objected to the reference to the Turks, as the Armenian people lived under Turkish rule. Byron took this refusal very badly and the fact that Father Pasquale agreed to add Byron’s name to the grammar constitutes a sign of reparation.

The Museum inside the convent at San Lazzaro

Byron’s portrait in his studio at San Lazzaro

The following quote from the fragment from one of his letters, seems to have been intended as a Preface to the Grammar, which was unfortunately omitted when it finally appeared:

To Mr Murray, Venice Jan 2, 1817

“The English reader will probably be surprised to find my name associated with a work of the present description, and inclined to give me more credit for my attainments as a linguist than they deserve.

“As I would not willingly be guilty of a deception, I will state, as shortly as I can, my own share in the compilation, with the motives which led to it. On my arrival at Venice in the year 1816, I found my mind in a state which required study, and study of a nature which should leave little scope for the imagination, and furnish some difficulty in the pursuit.

“At this period I was much struck—in common, I believe, with every other traveler — with the society of the Convent of St. Lazarus, which appears to unite all the advantages of the monastic institution, without any of its vices.

“The neatness, the comfort, the gentleness, the unaffected devotion, the accomplishments, and the virtues of the brethren of the order, are well fitted to strike the man of the world with the conviction that ‘there is another and a better’ even in this life(…)

Piazza San Marco seen from San Lazzaro. One can see the bell tower of San Giorgio Maggiore at the right of the bell tower of San Marco.

 

SOURCES – BIBLIOGRAPHY

Massimo Vangelista, article in Byronico.com

 

 

The Society for Hellenism and Philhellenism (SHP), organizes in collaboration with organizations and associations of 19th century revivalists, in Greece and internationally, a unit of 25 Philhellenes, who will participate with revivalists of Alexander Ypsilantis Holy Company (Ieros Lochos) and Greek fighters of 1821, in various commemorative events and parades in Greece and internationally. Young candidates from 20 to 35 years old, interested in filling one of the 25 positions as volunteers, can apply to SHP by email (info@eefshp.org).

 

 

Prior to the start date of Turkey’s accession negotiations (3.10.2005), there had been much discussion as to whether Turkey should or could have a place in the EU.

The main exponent of the view that Turkey cannot have a place in the EU, was the former President of France Valery Giscard d’Estaing. Costas Simitis contradicted D’Estaing’s view with an article in the prominent French newspaper Le Monde. It was the time of the last prime ministerial term of Costas Simitis, during which a loud Greek support of the “European course of Turkey” was inaugurated. This policy continued with the next governments to reach the beginning of Turkey’s accession negotiations with the consent of Greece without any substantial consideration. Thus, the infamous casus belli, i.e. the Turkish threat of war in the event of the expansion of our maritime space from six to twelve miles, persists. A right that derives from the law of the sea and which we have not yet dared to use.

Here are the key points of Simitis’ article in the newspaper Le Monde: “Turkey has been a great European power since the 16th century and the Ottoman Empire played a role in the creation of Europe that exists today (…). Francis I made an alliance with Suleiman, there was a Franco-Ottoman axis against the Hapsburgs. Mr. Giscard d’Estaing therefore forgot that it was France that introduced Turkey to Europe. In any case, Turkey can be a member of the EU.” (To Vima 19.1.2003 translated by Th. Pangalos).

The question that arises is how the Ottoman Empire played a role “in the creation of Europe that exists today”, as Costas Simitis states. Simply in the tried and tested way of invading, slaughtering and enslaving peoples.

The Ottoman Empire was indeed present in central Europe in the 16th century. The Ottomans had invaded Hungary with Suleiman in 1526, after exterminating the entire Hungarian infantry and cavalry at the Battle of Mahatsa. They remained a bitter conqueror in Hungary for 174 years, with the result that the country lost 50% of its population. “Millions of people were starved to death or sold in slave markets in North Africa“, says the famous Hungarian writer Steven Vizinsey. Does the current Prime Minister of Hungary, Viktor Orbron, know this, who is all sweet with Erdogan? Has he realized Erdogan’s neo-Ottoman dreams? Does he know that his friend envies Suleiman’s trophies? Orbron and Erdogan are linked by the fact that they both have similar authoritarian tendencies. The like always comes close to the like.

Three years later (1529) after the conquest of Hungary (1525), the Turks unsuccessfully besieged Vienna. Therefore, it is not “France that introduced Turkey to Europe” through Francis I, as Costas Simitis argues. Turkey was already present in Central Europe when Francis I did indeed form an alliance with Suleiman. Being in a multi-year war with the Hapsburgs, at some point he found himself so cramped that he would ally event with the devil. The Ottoman Empire invaded Europe continuing its well-known conquest tactics. This, of course, does not give it a European identity according to Simitis logic. By the same logic, Turkestan, from the steppes of which the Huns of Attila started in the 4th century and flooded Europe, should also claim Europeanism!

Costas Simitis, in order to support the Europeanism of Turkey, did not hesitate to clash with a tried and tested friend. It is well known how much Giscard d’Estaing supported our country before and throughout the accession negotiations. It was then that Costas Simitis had opposed membership, following the well-known anti-accession policy of PASOK. This is shown in his article in the prestigious magazine “Political Issues” entitled “Why we are against” (issue number 335 – 336, 2.9.1980).

The above referred article by Costas Simitis in the newspaper Le Monde concludes: “In any case, Turkey can be a member of the EU“. However, recent developments in Turkey with the persecution of all dissidents and the neo-Ottoman declarations of the Turkish leadership show that there is a geopolitical incompatibility of Turkey with Europe.

 

Angelos Zacharopoulos

Honorary Director of the European Commission

Former Director General of the Ministry of Agriculture, member of the Central Negotiating Committee for the accession of Greece to the EEC (the last survivor).

 

General Thomas Gordon. Lithograph by the German officer and Philhellene Krazeisen (SHP collection).

 

Thomas Gordon (1788 – 1841), was a British officer, a significant Philhellene and one of the first commanders of the Greek Army.

He was born in Cairness House, in Lonmay of county Aberdeenshire, in Scotland. He was the son of landowner Charles Gordon, lord of Buthlaw and Cairness, and Christian Forbes, lady of Ballogie[1]. He attended Eton College and the University of Oxford[2].

After graduating from Oxford University in 1808, he enlisted in the Royal Scots Greys Cavalry Regiment, from which he resigned in May 1810 with the rank of cavalry captain[3].

On August 26, 1810, he was hosted by Ali Pasha in Ioannina, while between 1810 and 1812, he travelled to Constantinople, Thessaloniki, Asia Minor, Persia, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and Libya[4].

In 1813 he first served as a captain in the Russian General Staff and then he was transferred to the Russian Army, which was stationed in Mecklenburg. This Army was commanded (further to an agreement of the Russian and Austrian governments), by the Austrian general, Count Ludwig Georg Thedel von Wallmoden-Gimborn (1769-1862)[5].

In early 1814, Gordon returned to his homeland, and in 1815 he travelled again to Constantinople. There he met Barbara Cana, a Greek young lady, whom he later married. Thus his wife acquired the title of baroness [6].

This wedding, in combination with his previous trips, brought him closer to Greece. In fact, Gordon had met Alexandros and his brother Dimitrios Ypsilantis in Bucharest. Thus Gordon gradually developed a strong interest for Greece and Philhellenic sentiments[7].

In early 1821, in honour of his diverse work, Thomas Gordon was awarded the title of Partner of the Royal Society of Great Britain. During this period, he lived with his family in Paris, where he was informed of the start of the Greek Revolution. Then, proving his genuine Philhellenism, Gordon took on his own important initiatives, before a coordinated action of the Philhellenes was organized in Great Britain. He connected with Philhellenes French officers with whom he decided to go to Greece. For this purpose he bought weapons and ammunition, and chartered at his own expense a ship in Marseilles, with which the equipment and the Philhellenes arrived in Greece in August 1821[8].

Newspaper SCHWAEBISCHER MERKUR, Nr. 290, December 5, 1821. The newspaper reports that Gordon arrived in Morea, with British and French officers and a shipment of weapons and ammunition. Followed by 1500 Greeks trained according to European standards (SHP collection).

Upon his arrival in Greece, Gordon was appointed Chief of the staff of Dimitrios Ypsilantis. From this position he took part in many military operations, which aimed at the liberation of Tripolitsa. When the occupation of Tripolitsa was imminent, Gordon, most of the Philhellenes, and Ypsilantis himself, undertook other missions and did not attend the entrance of the Greeks in the city, on September 23, 1821[9].

Gordon was dissatisfied with the violence that followed the occupation of Tripolitsa. For this reason mainly, he returned with the permission of Ypsilantis, in November 1821, through Zakynthos, to his country[10].

In November 1822 the Provisional Greek Government of Hermione sent a letter asking him to return to Greece[11]. Gordon refused because he was not ready yet. However, when the Philhellenic Committee of London was established on 28 February 1823, Gordon was one of its founding members. From this position he contributed to sending military equipment and aid to Greece[12]. Actually, during that time, after a mature assessment of the situation and the prospects of the Greek liberation struggle, Gordon developed the view that Philhellenism should take the form of a single, decisive and continuous strategy at all levels and that it should not be in an opportunistically and occasionally, the case of only a few people[13].

Gordon also played an important role in relation to the mission of Lord Byron and lieutenant Colonel FitzGerald Charles Stanhope, 5th Earl of Harrington, to Greece[14]. It is reminded that these two Philhellenes had been appointed (along with Lazaros Koundouriotis), members of the Management Committee of the first loan that the revolted Greeks expected to receive during this period[15].

Further to the conclusion of the first loan, the Greek delegation asked again Gordon to return[16] to Greece. Gordon refused again, mainly because he was saddened by the civil war that had broken out in Greece. In 1826 the Greek representatives in London persuaded him to go to Greece, with the aim of promoting the unity of the Greeks and of imposing discipline on the military forces. He arrived in Nafplio on May 11, 1826, where he was welcomed warmly by the Greeks. While in Greece, Gordon intended to assist the important French Philhellene Charles Fabvier in reorganizing the Regular Army. At the same time, he wanted to prepare the ground for the arrival in Greece of the emblematic Admiral Thomas Cochrane, 10th Earl of Dundonald, who was appointed commander of the Greek Navy[17].

Another aspect of Gordon’s mission was to accompany the one of the last instalments of the second loan from England to Greece, which amounted to 14,000 GBP. In fact, he maintained complete control over the management of this amount, and contributed to its rational distribution. In fact, he made sure that this money reached people who were refugees from various parts of Greece, such as the Souliotes[18].

In January 1827, following a proposal by Makrygiannis and a decision of the chairman of the Administrative Committee Andreas Zaimis, he took command of the expeditionary corps, which aimed to cooperate with the forces commanded by General Karaiskakis and General Church in Attica, in order to terminate the siege of the Acropolis[19].

ALLGEMEINE ZEITUNG newspaper, together with Beilage Nr. 50, February 19, 1827. It published a whole letter sent by Gordon from Zakynthos, in which he mentions what he has done since his arrival in May 1826, the existing needs, the difficulties, the mission of Kolokotronis to Gastouni, the case of Fabvier supported by French philhellenes, the Greek navy. It refers to the arrival of Cochrane in Greece and to the philhellenic committees. It presents an account of the central committee of the Philanthropic Society of Paris to all the Greek clubs for the global aid it provided for the Greek cause in 1825 and 1826 (SHP collection).

On March 3 and 4, 1827, Gordon distinguished himself at the Battle of Kastela in Piraeus and contributed to the creation of the military camp of Kastela[20]. Also, on April 13, 1827, he had a significant contribution in the liberation of the Holy Monastery of Agios Spyridon in Piraeus, which resulted in facilitating communication between the Greek camps in Kastella and Keratsini[21].

This evolution led Church to appoint Gordon chief of his staff[22]. After the Battle of Analatos on 24 April 1827, Gordon was confined to logistics activities until July 1827, when he finally returned to Great Britain.

Meanwhile, Gordon had developed a keen interest in classical history and archaeology. So in January 1828 he was named member of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland[23].

Gordon returned to Greece in the summer of 1828, and until February 1831 he led the excavations at the temple of Hera in Argos[24]. During this period he built his house at 14 Gordonos Street. This building was restored in 1982 and it is now owned by the French Archaeological School of Athens[25].

Gordon returned to his homeland in February 1831, devoting himself to writing his History of the Greek Revolution, which was completed in January 1833[26].

History of the Greek Revolution, and of the Wars and Campaigns Arising from the Struggles of the Greek Patriots in Emancipating Their Country From the Turkish Yoke. Vol I & II. Second Edition Gordon, Thomas, F.R.S. Published by William Blackwood and T. Cadell, Edinburgh and London, 1834 (SHP collection).

General Gordon’s “History” is characterized as one of the most authoritative and serious works on the Greek revolution. It offers important material and it provides a complete, moderate and objective picture, also because of his participation in the events. His book was received warmly by the public from the beginning and it influenced as a catalyst historians such as Spyridon Trikoupis and George Finley.

Gordon returned to Greece in January 1833, following the arrival of King Othon. During this period he was honoured with the Grand Cross of the Order of the Redeemer for his services during the Struggle[27] of the Greeks.

Lieutenant General Thomas Gordon

In 1834 he was appointed president of the Military Court of the Greek Army. At the same time, the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland named him honorary member[28].In 1837 Gordon was promoted to major general in the Greek Army, and he was declared member of the Hellenic Society of Natural History[29].

Because of his poor health, Thomas Gordon, was retired from the Greek Army in January 1839. After his retirement, he went to St. Petersburg, where he was honoured by the Russian Czar with the title of Knight of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem[30]. From St. Petersburg he returned to Great Britain. In January 1840 he travelled for a while to Greece, where he was anointed member of the Athenian Archaeological Society, as well as of the Society for the Promotion of Education and Learning[31].

General Thomas Gordon died of kidney failure at Cairness House in Lonmay, Aberdeenshire, Scotland, on 20 April 1841. In his will, he left his record and house to his son Charles Wilkinson Gordon, an officer of the British Army. The latter’s granddaughter, Marjorie Gordon, sold the Cairness House in 1938 and donated the Gordon family archive to the University of Aberdeen[32].

SHP and Greece honour the memory of General Thomas Gordon, a major and noble British Philhellene, who fought for the Greek cause. This important man was honoured with high positions of responsibility in the new Greek state, while enjoying the recognition, appreciation and respect of the Greek society, as well as of the academic community, both in Greece and in Great Britain.

 

References

[1] Δωροβίνης, Βασίλης, ‘’Το σπίτι του στρατηγού Thomas Gordon στο Άργος, Ι’’, εκδ. περ. ‘’Αρχαιολογία’’, Αθήνα, 1993,  τεύχος 47, σελ. 80.
[2] Δρούλια, Έλλη, ‘’Παγκόσμιο Βιογραφικό Λεξικό, Εκπαιδευτική Ελληνική Εγκυκλοπαίδεια’’, εκδ. Εκδοτική Αθηνών, Αθήνα, 1990, γ’ τόμος, σελ. 134-135.
[3] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[4] ‘’Archive of the Gordon Family of Cairness and Buthlaw‘’, φάκελος υπ’αριθμ. 1160, Πανεπιστήμιο Aberdeen.
[5] Pallua-Gall, Julian, ‘’Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie‘’, εκδ. Duncker & Humblot, Λειψία, 1896, 40ος τόμος, σελ. 761-762.
[6] Goodwin, Gordon, ‘’Gordon, Thomas (1788-1841)’’, εκδ. Dictionary of National Biography, Λονδίνο, 1900, 22ος τόμος.
[7] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[8] St Clair, William, ‘’That Greece Might Still be Free: The Philhellenes in the War of Independence’’, εκδ. Open Book Publishers, Λονδίνο, 2008, σελ. 138.
[9] Persat, Maurice, ‘’Memoires du Commandant Persat. 1806 à 1844‘’, εκδ. Librairie Plon, Παρίσι, 1910, σελ. 87-88.
[10] Gordon, Thomas, ‘’Ιστορία της Ελληνικής Επαναστάσεως’’, εκδ. ΜΙΕΤ , Αθήνα, 2015, α’ τόμος.
[11] ‘’Αρχεία της Ελληνικής Παλιγγενεσίας’’, εκδ. Βουλή των Ελλήνων, Αθήνα, 1857, α’ τόμος, σελ. 132.
[12]  Dakin, Douglas, ‘’O αγώνας των Ελλήνων για την ανεξαρτησία 1821-1833’’, μτφρ. Ρένας Σταυρίδου-Πατρικίου, εκδ. ΜΙΕΤ, Αθήνα, 1989, σελ. 141.
[13] St Clair, William, ‘’That Greece Might Still be Free: The Philhellenes in the War of Independence’’, εκδ. Open Book Publishers, Λονδίνο, 2008, σελ. 138.
[14] Lovell, Ernest J., ‘’His Very Self and Voice, Collected Conversations of Lord Byron’’, εκδ. MacMillan, Νέα Υόρκη, 1954, σελ. 369.
[15] ‘’Ιστορικόν Αρχείον Αλεξάνδρου Μαυροκορδάτου’’, επιμ. Εμμ. Πρωτοψάλτης, Γενικά Αρχεία του Κράτους, Αθήνα, τόμος 3.
[16] ‘’Αρχεία της Ελληνικής Παλιγγενεσίας’’, εκδ. Βιβλιοθήκη της Βουλής των Ελλήνων, Αθήνα, 1971, γ’ τόμος, σελ. 161.
[17] Βλ. στο ίδιο, σελ. 421.
[18] Gordon, Thomas, ‘’Ιστορία της Ελληνικής Επαναστάσεως’’, εκδ. MΙΕΤ, Αθήνα, 2015.
[19] Τρικούπης, Σπυρίδων, ‘’Ιστορία της Ελληνικής Επαναστάσεως’’, εκδ. Βουλή των Ελλήνων, Αθήνα, 2007, δ’ τόμος, σελ. 118.
[20] Κασομούλης, Νικόλαος, ‘’ Ενθυμήματα στρατιωτικά της Επαναστάσεως των Ελλήνων 1821 -1833’’, εκδ. Α. Ι. Βάρσου, Αθήνα, 1941, β’ τόμος, σελ. 484.
[21] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[22] Church, E.M., “Chapters in an Adventurous Life: Sir Richard Church in Italy and Greece”, εκδ. William Blackwood & Sons, Λονδίνο, 1895.
[23] Kasdagli, Α. Ε., “The papers of Thomas Gordon of Cairness (1788-1841)”, εκδ. περ. ‘’Northern Scotland’’, Εδιμβούργο, 1994, τεύχος 14, σελ. 109 -114.
[24] Κουμαδωράκης , Οδυσσέας, ‘’Άργος το πολυδίψιον‘’,  εκδ. Εκ Προοιμίου, Άργος, 2007.
[25] ‘’Εφημερίς της Κυβερνήσεως’’, Αθήνα, ΦΕΚ Δεκεμβρίου 1982.
[26] Δρούλια, Έλλη, ‘’Παγκόσμιο Βιογραφικό Λεξικό, Εκπαιδευτική Ελληνική Εγκυκλοπαίδεια’’, εκδ. Εκδοτική Αθηνών, Αθήνα, 1990, γ’ τόμος, σελ. 134-135.
[27] “Archive of the Gordon Family of Cairness and Buthlaw”, φάκελος υπ’ αριθμ.2757, Πανεπιστήμιο Aberdeen.
[28] “Archive of the Gordon Family of Cairness and Buthlaw”, φάκελος υπ’ αριθμ. 3193, Πανεπιστήμιο Aberdeen.
[29] “Υπηρεσιακή αλληλογραφία υποστρατήγου Thomas Gordon”, φάκελος 107, Γενικά Αρχεία του Κράτους, Αθήνα.
[30] Kasdagli, Α. Ε., “Exploring the papers of the Scottish philhellene Thomas Gordon (1788-1841)”, εκδ. Kambos: Cambridge Papers in Modern Greek, Λονδίνο, 1995, σελ. 65.
[31] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[32] “Archive of the Gordon Family of Cairness and Buthlaw”, φάκελος υπ’ αριθμ. 3193, Πανεπιστήμιο Aberdeen.

 

Bibliography – Sources

  • Δωροβίνης, Βασίλης, ‘’Το σπίτι του στρατηγού Thomas Gordon στο Άργος, Ι’’, εκδ. περ. ‘’Αρχαιολογία’’, Αθήνα, 1993, τεύχος 47.
  • Δρούλια, Έλλη, ‘’Παγκόσμιο Βιογραφικό Λεξικό, Εκπαιδευτική Ελληνική Εγκυκλοπαίδεια’’, εκδ. Εκδοτική Αθηνών, Αθήνα, 1990, γ’ τόμος.
  • ‘’Archive of the Gordon Family of Cairness and Buthlaw‘’, φάκελος υπ’ αριθμ. 1160, Πανεπιστήμιο Aberdeen.
  • Pallua-Gall, Julian, ‘’Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie ‘’, εκδ. Duncker & Humblot, Λειψία, 1896, 40ος τόμος.
  • Goodwin, Gordon, ‘’Gordon, Thomas (1788-1841)’’, εκδ. Dictionary of National Biography, Λονδίνο, 1900, 22ος τόμος.
  • St Clair, William, ‘’That Greece Might Still be Free: The Philhellenes in the War of Independence’’, εκδ. Open Book Publishers, Λονδίνο, 2008.
  • Persat, Maurice, ‘’Memoires du Commandant Persat. 1806 à 1844 ‘’, εκδ. Librairie Plon, Παρίσι, 1910.
  • Gordon, Thomas, ‘’Ιστορία της Ελληνικής Επαναστάσεως’’, εκδ. ΜΙΕΤ, Αθήνα, 2015, α’ τόμος.
  • ‘’Αρχεία της Ελληνικής Παλιγγενεσίας’’, εκδ. Βουλή των Ελλήνων, Αθήνα, 1857, α’ τόμος.
  • Dakin, Douglas, ‘’O αγώνας των Ελλήνων για την ανεξαρτησία 1821-1833’’, μτφρ. Ρένας Σταυρίδου-Πατρικίου, εκδ. ΜΙΕΤ, Αθήνα, 1989.
  • Lovell, Ernest J., ‘’His Very Self and Voice, Collected Conversations of Lord Byron’’, εκδ. MacMillan, Νέα Υόρκη, 1954.
  • ‘’Ιστορικόν Αρχείον Αλεξάνδρου Μαυροκορδάτου’’, επιμ. Εμμ. Πρωτοψάλτης, Γενικά Αρχεία του Κράτους, Αθήνα, τόμος 3.
  • ‘’Αρχεία της Ελληνικής Παλιγγενεσίας’’, εκδ. Βιβλιοθήκη της Βουλής των Ελλήνων, Αθήνα, 1971, γ’ τόμος.
  • Τρικούπης, Σπυρίδων, ‘’Ιστορία της Ελληνικής Επαναστάσεως’’, εκδ. Βουλή των Ελλήνων, Αθήνα, 2007, δ’ τόμος.
  • Κασομούλης, Νικόλαος, ‘’Ενθυμήματα στρατιωτικά της Επαναστάσεως των Ελλήνων 1821 -1833’’, εκδ. Α. Ι. Βάρσου, Αθήνα, 1941, β’ τόμος.
  • Church, E.M., “Chapters in an Adventurous Life: Sir Richard Church in Italy and Greece”, εκδ. William Blackwood & Sons, Λονδίνο, 1895.
  • Kasdagli, Α. Ε., ‘’The papers of Thomas Gordon of Cairness (1788-1841)’’, εκδ. περ. ‘’Northern Scotland’’, Εδιμβούργο, 1994,  τεύχος 14.
  • Κουμαδωράκης , Οδυσσέας, ‘’Άργος το πολυδίψιον ‘’, εκδ. Εκ Προοιμίου, Άργος, 2007.
  • ‘’Εφημερίς της Κυβερνήσεως’’, Αθήνα, ΦΕΚ Δεκεμβρίου 1982.
  • ‘’Archive of the Gordon Family of Cairness and Buthlaw‘’, φάκελος υπ’ αριθμ. 2757, Πανεπιστήμιο Aberdeen.
  • ‘’Archive of the Gordon Family of Cairness and Buthlaw‘’, φάκελος υπ’ αριθμ. 3193, Πανεπιστήμιο
  • ‘’Υπηρεσιακή αλληλογραφία υποστρατήγου Thomas Gordon’’, φάκελος 107, Γενικά Αρχεία του Κράτους, Αθήνα.
  • Kasdagli, Α. Ε., ‘’Exploring the papers of the Scottish philhellene Thomas Gordon (1788-1841)’’, εκδ. Kambos: Cambridge Papers in Modern Greek, Λονδίνο, 1995.