To this day, the personality of the Venezuelan Don Francisco de Miranda, general and initiator of Latin American independence, has been historically linked to that of Rigas Feraios. Both were associated with the independence struggles of their homelands, as the famous Chilean Hellenist Professor Miguel Casillo Didier has written in his book “Two Precursors: Miranda and Rigas, America and Greece”. This essay suggests that Prince Alexander Ypsilantis, the first leader of Greek independence, perhaps better than Rigas, could be a historical Greek figure closer to Miranda since both started revolutions in their countries in the early 19th century.

The principles of Plutarch’s “Parallel Lives” are the chosen method to organize, analyze, synthesize, and complete the topic of this paper. Applying this method, an attempt will be made to highlight the special characters of Miranda and Ypsilantis. For this purpose, Miranda’s proclamation “To the inhabitants of Colombian America” will be compared with Ypsilantis’ proclamations “Fight for Faith and Motherland” and “Greek Men, those sojourning in Moldavia and Wallachia!” The analysis discovers similarities and differences between the writings of the two leaders to substantiate the hypothesis of this work about parallel lives.

Now begins the comparison of the multidimensional personalities of the two heroes. Both were members of the social and economic elite of their countries: Don Francisco de Miranda was born in Caracas in 1750. His father was a wealthy merchant from the Canary Islands who earned the title of Captain of the Order of the Militia of the White Men of Caracas. Prince Ypsilantis was born in Constantinople in 1792, to an important and wealthy Phanariot family. His father was the ruler of the principalities of Moldavia and later Wallachia, and his grandfather was the Grand Dragoman of the Sublime Porte.

Miranda and Ypsilantis were well-educated: Miranda studied Philosophy, Law, History, Mathematics, and Geography, and Ypsilantis received a broad education after the Russo-Turkish War of 1806 when his family fled to Russia. They were also multilingual. Miranda, in addition to Spanish, spoke English, French, Latin, and Ancient Greek, and Prince Alexander, in addition to Greek, also spoke Russian, French, German, and Romanian. Their education included military training. In 1771, Miranda went to Madrid, where he received military training to obtain the rank of Captain in the Royal Army. In 1810, Ypsilantis entered the school of the Corps of Imperial Attachés of Czarist Russia.

Proclamation of Francisco de Miranda

Before the outbreak of the wars of independence in their respective countries, both gained extensive military experience in foreign armies, serving in high positions, even as generals. The Venezuelan participated in the United States’ War of Independence and the French Revolution. He served briefly as a general in the French army. The Greek distinguished himself in the wars against Napoleon as a lieutenant colonel in the Russian army when he lost his right arm, at the age of 21, at the battle of Dresden. Four years later, the Tsar promoted him to General.

Their ultimate goals were to gain political and diplomatic allies to carry out their plans to liberate their homelands. Both belonged to Masonic communities of their time and through this, they were assisted in gaining contacts with high European society to reach alliances for their patriotic cause. To this end, Miranda traveled to Europe, meeting, among others, Catherine II and Prince Potemkin of Russia, Gustavus III of Sweden, George Washington, Samuel Adams, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and Thomas Paine of the United States, Danton, Charles Dumouriez, and Napoleon Bonaparte of France, William Pitt and Duke Wellington of the United Kingdom, and Simón Bolívar, Andrés Bello, and Bernardo O’Higgins of Latin America.

Ypsilantis served as one of the Czar’s aides-de-camp at the Congress of Vienna in 1814 and met Count Kapodistrias, the Foreign Minister of Russia, and the founders of the Society of Friends, among others. Their intense desire and the fire of their souls for the independence of their country soon brought them to the position of the leader of their revolutionary movements. General Miranda led the patriotic army in the Latin American War of Independence, becoming the Governor of the First Republic of Venezuela. Meanwhile, Prince Ypsilantis took over the leadership of the Society of Friends, creating the “Sacred Band” of 500 university students and thus initiating the War of Independence of Greece.

When Miranda and Ypsilantis arrived at Coro and Iasi, respectively, they published their proclamations. Between them, there are important similarities. In conflicts, a clear distinction is required between the identities of the warriors. Although the translation and publication, by Miranda, of the Jesuit Juan Pablo-Viscardo y Guzman’s “Letter addressed to the Spanish Americans”, which declared that “the New World is our homeland, its history is ours”, was an important step in Latin American emancipation, the use of the term “Spanish Americans” did not allow for a distinction between the Creoles and the inhabitants of Spain.

Proclamation of Alexandros Ypsilantis

In Ypsilantis’ case, there was no such problem because there were clear differences between the Ottoman side and his own, due to different ethnic origins, language, customs, and religion. Therefore, words like “Hellenes”, “Greeks”, and “Orthodox” could distinguish his side from that of the enemy. Taking advantage of the common religion, Ypsilantis included other like-minded groups such as Serbs, Bulgarians, Romanians, etc., in his call. On the other hand, in Miranda’s case, the religion and language of the inhabitants of the Americas were the same as those of the inhabitants of Spain. The Creoles were of Spanish origin, and the ethnic origin of the Indians and Blacks was unrelated to that of either the Spaniards or the Creoles. Therefore, the generic Mirandine term “Colombian American” could provide a distinct identity for all the inhabitants of the New World (Creoles, Indians, Blacks, etc.), separating them from the inhabitants of Spain.

Miranda, like Ypsilantis, asked all citizens to participate without any distinction of class or ethnicity. Indicative of his idea of the relationship between a place and its citizens is that at the beginning of the volumes of his archive, “Colombeia”, Miranda placed an ode attributed to Alcaeus, translated by himself: “Cities are not stone or timber or the work of carpenters, but both walls and cities are to be found wherever there are men who know how to defend themselves”.

One difference between the two proclamations is the reward for those who participate in the revolution and the punishment for those who disobey. Miranda promised rewards both material and moral and threatened legal punishment, while the reward and punishment, according to Ypsilantis, would be exclusively moral. Although the revolutionary and liberation movements of that era were influenced by secular currents such as the Enlightenment and the French Revolution, Miranda and Ypsilantis could not forget that Christianity played a crucial role in shaping the identity of their peoples and that they were addressing devout Christians. Because of this, they included references to Christianity, not only to form a common identity but also to prove that their initiatives were compatible with the Christian faith. This was a risk they had to take, but it turned against them. The Church, acting as an institution of the oppressive apparatus, in order to persecute them, exploited a phrase of St. Paul, who held that all powers are ordained by God and those who resist the powers, resist the ordinance of God. Santiago Hernández Milanés, Bishop of Mérida, and Gregory V, Patriarch of Constantinople, excommunicated Miranda and Ypsilantis respectively, slandering them as traitors and enemies of the fatherland, seeds of Satan, apostates, vain, etc.

On the other hand, the proclamations demonstrated the tragic and miserable condition of the people, full of barbarity and tyranny. Interestingly, Miranda appended to his proclamation the impassioned letter of the Jesuit Viscardo y Guzmán, which described all that the New World had suffered for three consecutive centuries. Moreover, they promised a just and democratic society in which the people could choose their representatives and leaders. Another obvious similarity between the proclamations is the assessment that the timing of the revolutions was right. They stated that the struggle for independence would be easy and that the people could gain their freedom with little effort. Probably, the underestimation of the enemy’s power was deliberate, in order to raise the morale of the people.

Proclamation of Alexandros Ypsilantis

The leaders based their optimism on the promise of the support of Divine Providence and foreign troops: Miranda promised the intervention of the British fleet, and Ypsilantis implied Russia was “a Mighty power”. They also pointed to contemporary paradigms of other countries that won their independence, asking their peoples to imitate them. Miranda’s proclamation contains references to the War of the Oranges, possibly the Eighty Years’ War, the American War of Independence, and the Act of Mediation. Interestingly, Ypsilantis also uses the paradigm of the Spanish constitutional period of 1820-1823, known as the “Liberal Triennium”. His reference to the military achievements of Ancient Greece can be interpreted as a reference to the national heritage of his countrymen. Although there is no such reference in the proclamation of the Venezuelan hero, Miranda was inspired in his youth by Greek literature and traveled to Greece in 1786. Among other places, General Miranda visited Marathon and Salamis to feel, reflect, and experience firsthand the feelings, plans, and military positions of the Ancient Greeks against the despotism of the Persians.

The last and most tragic similarity between the lives of Miranda and Ypsilantis was their abandonment by their allies after a military defeat, their surrender into the hands of the enemy, and their imprisonment far from their homelands. After the fall of Puerto Cabello to Domingo Monteverde’s royalist army, the President of the First Republic of Venezuela, Miranda, signed the Capitulation of San Mateo, an action considered submissive by Miranda’s former allies. After a series of unfortunate events, Miranda was arrested and eventually transferred to the Cuatro Torres prison where he died in 1816. Ypsilantis’ fate was similar: Ypsilantis did not receive any Russian support, as he had expected. After the defeat of his Sacred Band at the Battle of Dragashani and being abandoned by his local allies, he fled to Austria where he was arrested. Although he was not extradited to the Ottoman Empire, he was imprisoned in the castle of Munkács under inhumane conditions and died very young in 1828. His last wish was to have his heart transferred to Greece. Cenotaphs of both heroes have been erected in their homeland as the recognition of their remains is not possible. But for such heroes, this was not important as they knew the famous phrase of Pericles’ epitaph which Miranda himself translated: “For to famous men all the earth is a sepulcher”.

While the forerunners Viscardo y Guzmán and Rigas Feraios contributed to the emancipatory process with passionate writings, the first leaders Miranda and Ypsilantis were also the generals who launched the independence revolution of their homelands and became Martyrs of the Struggle. For this reason, it can easily be observed that the lives of Francisco de Miranda and Alexander Ypsilantis were parallel. The sacrifice of the two leaders, fortunately, was not in vain. Others continued what they started, and their homelands were eventually liberated. The Greek historian Philemon wrote of Ypsilantis, something that could also be said of Miranda: “Thus the Leader was directly abandoned, but the revolution was indirectly protected; the person was destroyed, so that the Fatherland could be saved”.

Antonia Kyriakoulakou,

Doctoral candidate of the UNIR International University of Rioja, Spain

SHP and the Philhellenism Museum honor the great American Philhellene Julia Ward Howe, Julia Ward (1819-1910).

Famous pacifist, feminist, abolitionist, human rights activist, and poet. She wrote the poem Battle Hymn of the Republic.

Wife of the American Philhellene Samuel Gridley Howe.

She supported the struggle of the Greeks during the revolution in Crete (1866-1869) with the establishment of the “Greek Relief Committee” in Boston, raising money, food and clothes. She even dedicated a poem to Greece. To support the Cretan revolutionaries, she organized an important event in Boston with the participation of prominent musicians. Only from this event, she raised 2,000 thalers, and sent them to Greece.

Later Julia Ward came with her family to Greece and helped the Cretan refugees with money and clothes. (S99)

William Townsend Washington (1802-1827) was an American Philhellene from the State of Virginia in the United States of America. He was a Lieutenant in the US Army (4th Artillery Regiment). After attending the West Point Military Academy, he spent some time in France, where he befriended General Lafayette (Gilbert du Motier de Lafayette, 1757-1834). Upon his return to the United States, Secretary of Defense John C. Calhoun (1782-1850) assigned him a military teaching position.

Excited by the Greek issue, Washington resigned from the US Amy in order to go to Greece. He was aware of the importance his surname carried due to his relationship with the first President of the United States, George Washington. Washington used his name to promote his plans for Greece.

William Townsend Washington arrived in Greece in June 1825 as an envoy of the Philhellenic Committee in Boston. Edward Everett (1794-1865), founder of the Committee, recommended Washington to Alexandros Mavrokordatos, as he strongly believed in this young man’s devotion to the Greek Cause. Washington arrived in Greece wearing an impressive Hussar officer uniform.

This is probably the sixth American Philhellene who came to Greece as an envoy of the committees, based on all records we have up to this date. Some American Philhellenes had already visited Greece before Washington: George Jarvis in 1822; Officer Jonathan Peckham Miller, Navy Officer John M. Allen and Richard W. Ruddock arrived in 1824. The prominent American Philhellene, physician Samuel Gridley Howe, arrived in Greece in early January 1825.

During the period that Washington was active in Greece, the American Philhellene Merrett Bolles arrived from Ohio. He was a captain of the American Navy, who served in the Regular Army in Greece (1825 – July 1826) under the French Philhellene General Charles Fabvier.

Washington arrives in Greece at a very critical point of the Greek Struggle. In the winter of 1824-1825, Ibrahim landed in the Peloponnese. The Greek forces are in disarray, with many chiefs in prison. Papaflessas decides to defend the Greek positions in Maniaki, Messinia, thus preventing Ibrahim’s forces from spreading to the Peloponnese. He falls heroically in the Battle of Maniaki in May 1825. The government appoints Theodoros Kolokotronis chief commander of the army. However, the Greek forces are unable to confront the regular army of Ibrahim.

The French Philhellene Fabvier undertakes to organize a regular army (from July 1825 onwards).

In order to confront Ibrahim, the Greek government asked already in May 1825 the London Philhellenic Committee to reinforce the Greek revolutionary forces with another 4,000 men.

Already in October of the previous year, the Philhellenic Committees in the USA proposed to the London Philhellenic Committee to form and send to Greece a Legion of Philhellenes volunteers, which they would finance. The London Committee requested approval by the Greek government. This proposal was not implemented, probably because the Greek military believed that certain Greek politicians would use this Legion to strengthen their powers. The fighters in the irregular army worried that the existence of a regular army corps would mean that they themselves had to be subject to rules of discipline.

The necessity of a foreign Legion of regular army is recognized by Andreas Louriotis and Ioannis Orlandos, who also negotiated the first national loan to Greece. They suggested Charles James Napier (1782-1853), a British officer and a representative of the British authorities in Cephalonia, to lead this corps. Several Philhellenes agreed that a foreign military corps would assist the Greeks significantly in their Struggle. French Philhellene, General Roche, tried to convince general Georgios Karaiskakis about the positive influence that such a corps would have on the Greek Cause.

Washington arrives in Greece in June 1825, and raises the issue of founding a “Foreign Legion” to further strengthen the Greek Struggle. He does not imagine a corps, which would be staffed exclusively by American volunteers. Washington dreams of an international Legion, composed by Americans, French, Italians, Germans and Irish officers. He accepted that the Greek government would define the percentage of participation for each nation. The soldiers would be recruited in Ireland; in case the British government rejected this option, the soldiers would be found in Switzerland and the USA. It is understandable, that the transfer of volunteers from Ireland and Switzerland was incomparably easier than the one of American volunteers.

Washington had specific plans regarding the formation of this Legion, which he aspired to lead, as he bore a name with historical significance.

In Hydra he met the Kountouriotis family, then went on to Nafplio to meet Alexandros Mavrokordatos. In July 1825 he announces his full plan to Mavrokordatos, citing a detailed calculation of the expenses for the maintenance and transportation of the new army corps. He requests that the volunteers fighting in Greece would have the rights of a Greek citizen after the Liberation. Then Washington formally requests the Greek Administration’s approval for his plan, in order to visit the European capitals (London, Paris and Dublin) and gather his officers. After this he would lead the Legion to Greece.

For the reasons stated above, Washington’s Plan was finally abandoned.

When the Greek politicians submitted an “Act of Subordination” to Great Britain, Washington, along with other Philhellenes, strongly reacted against the possibility of Greece being put under English protection (as was the case for the Ionian Islands), after its liberation from the Ottomans. The American Philhellenes, in consultation with the French General Roche, submitted a written protest to the Greek government asking them not to proceed in such a direction.

In fact, Washington adopted a tough stance against Great Britain, and promoted (along with General Roche) the assignment of the Greek throne to a member of the French royal family. Both of them tried to impose this political line on the Philhellenic Committees in the USA and France. This attitude, however, was renounced by both countries.

This evolution in Greece disappointed Washington, who decided to leave the country in 1825. In fact, he started his journey from Smyrna. While he was in Smyrne, he was wearing a Greek attire, provoking the hateful gaze of the Ottomans. During his trip, he was informed that England would not undertake the protection of Greece. So he asked to go to Messolonghi (October 1825). There he fell ill and was transported to Nafplio.

August 27, 1825: William Townshend Washington, letter from Smyrne

His country’s attitude on the subject hurt him so much that he wrote a harsh letter criticizing strongly his own homeland.

In May 1827 he went to Zakynthos, which was under British administration. There, it is said that he fell in love with Markos Botsaris’ daughter, Vasiliki, whom he asked to marry. Markos’s brother, Costas Botsaris, refused to agree to this marriage.

The daughter of Markos Botsaris (SHP collection / Philhellenism Museum)

After Zakynthos he went to Nafplio, and joined the forces of Chief Photomaras. In fact, it is reported that he fought bravely. At the same time he worked to reconcile the warring factions of the Greeks.

Souliotis chief Nasos Fotomaras (- 1841)

During a clash between Greek factions on July 16, 1827, Washington was eventually killed by a shot fired from Palamidi towards the city of Nafplio. He was taken to the British ship Asia, where he breathed his last. He lost his life at the age of just 25, passionately serving the ideals he believed in and of course Greece, which he dearly loved.

The tomb of the American Philhellene, William Townsend Washington, is located in Hydra, the place where he was hosted when he arrived in Greece.

US Ambassador G. Pyatt at the tomb of William Townsend Washington in Hydra

One thing is certain about the American Philhellene, William Townsend Washington. He fought bravely for Greece, which he loved with an incredible passion.

Sources – Bibliography:

• Barth, Wilhelm-Kehrig-Korn, Max, Die Philhellenenzeit. Von der Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts bis zur Ermordung Kapodistrias‘ am 9. Oktober 1831, Max Hueber Verlag, Μόναχο, 1960
• Βαγενάς, Θάνος, Δημητρακοπούλου, Ευρυδίκη, Αμερικανοί Φιλέλληνες Εθελοντές στο Εικοσιένα, Μάτι, Αθήνα, 2017
• Μαζαράκης-Αινιάν, K. Iωάννης, Αμερικανικός Φιλελληνισμός 1821-1831, Iστορική και Εθνολογική Εταιρεία Ελλάδος, χ.ημ.
• Αρχείο ΕΕΦ

Franciszek Mierzewski or Mierzejewski (1786 – 1822), was a Polish officer from Warsaw, who served in the French Army.

In 1807, after the Treaty of Tilsit, which led to the liberation of Poland from the Russians and the establishment of the Duchy of Warsaw by the French[1], Mierzewski enlisted in the French Cavalry and was promoted to second lieutenant[2].

In 1808 he was placed in the 1st Polish Light Cavalry Regiment of the French Imperial Guard and served under the orders of the Polish Count Wincenty Krasinski[3]. From this position, he was distinguished in the victorious for the French battle at Somosierra, Spain, on November 30, 1808[4].

In February 1809 he took part in the Portuguese campaign, under French General Jean Soult[5], and then he was assigned missions in Bavaria and Austria. There he was distinguished in the victorious for the French battles of Essling in Bavaria and Wagram in Austria, on May 22, 1809 and on July 5, 1809 respectively[6].

In January 1810, his unit left Bavaria and relocated to Chantilly, France[7]. He stayed there until February 1812 and was promoted to lieutenant[8].

At the end of February 1812 he was transferred to Torun, on the border of the Duchy of Warsaw with Russia[9], to the French Imperial Guard of the French General Louis-Nicholas Davout and his staff[10].

Mierzewski was particularly prominent during the Russian campaign from June to December 1812[11]. For his action in Russia, as well as for his bravery in the battle of Weissenfelds / Lützen on May 2, 1813, he was honored with the medal of the Knight of the Legion of Honor[12].

The Treaty of Fontainebleau on April 4, 1814, led to the first resignation of the French Emperor Napoleon I from the French throne and his exile to the island of Elbe in Italy[13], and the 1st Polish Light Cavalry Regiment of the French Imperial Guard was disbanded[14]. Only one of its units remained active, and followed the French emperor to his exile[15], with lieutenant Mierzewski[16].

Napoleon’s returned from his exile to the French throne on March 20, 1815[17], and this unit joined the Red Lancers Cavalry Division of the French Army under French General Colbert[18]. Mierzewski was an officer of this brigade and he took part in the battles of Ligny and Waterloo, on June 16, 1815 and June 18, 1815 respectively[19].

The Battle of Waterloo led to the final resignation of Napoleon from the French throne on June 22, 1815, the restoration of the Bourbon dynasty on July 8, 1815, and the exile of Napoleon to St. Helen’s Island on July 15, 1815[20], The gradual demobilization of foreign soldiers serving in the French Army followed. In this context, on October 1, 1815, the Polish military was demobilized from the French Army[21]. Mierzewski was demobilized with the rank of captain[22].

After 1815 Mierzejewski left Poland again. He travelled to South America, where he participated in the liberation of New Granada and Venezuela, Spanish colonies, under the command of Simon Bolívar. Then he returned to Europe, and participated in the revolutions triggered by the Italian Carbonari in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies (07.1820) and Piedmonte (01-03.1821). After the suppression of the revolutions he left Italy via Naples to Greece.

He was a citizen of an occupied at that time country, for the freedom of which he fought as a French Army officer. When the Greek Revolution broke out, Mierzewski was one of the first to join the philhellenic movement. A little later he traveled to Greece in early 1822 to offer his services as a volunteer.

On April 1, 1822, the Greek Assembly voted a law “on the Organization of the Army” in Nauplio, which led to the establishment of the Regular Army. The leadership was assigned to the emblematic German-Philhellene General, Count Karl Friedrich Leberecht von Normann-Ehrenfels. This law formed the basis of subsequent military legislation[23].

In this context, the Battalion of the Philhellenes was established under the command of the Italian Philhellene, Lieutenant Colonel Andrea Dania. Mierzewski was appointed commander of the 2nd Company of the Batallion of the Philhellenes[24]. Along with the Battalion of the Philhellenes, the 1st Infantry Regiment was formed, under the command of the Italian Philhellene Lieutenant Colonel Pietro Tarella.

The first mission of the Regular Army was to end the siege of Souli by the Ottoman forces. The success of this mission would lead to the renewal of the independence war in Epirus, to the continuous strengthening of the Greek Forces with experienced and ready for combat officers, as well as to the elimination of the danger of the rapid advance of the Ottomans in southern Greece[25].

The first mistake made by the Greek command was that it did not allow the rapid advance of the Greeks and Philhellenes to Arta, which would prevent the gathering of Turkish troops. The troops were also affected by diseases, while they were suffering food shortages. Another important problem was the behavior of the irregular forces, especially those commanded by the chief Bacolas. In fact, many days before the march to Arta started, there were rumors suggesting that Bacolas was in contact with the Turks. Of course, it was impossible to believe that a Greek would betray the struggle and his own compatriots[26].

The Greek forces confronted first the Turks in Kompoti, on June 22, 1822. According to the war plan, “the Philhellenes, as regular soldiers, should not seek the tops of the mountains to defend themselves safely, but had to stay in the dangerous places of strategic importance and not miss the opportunity to confront the enemy”[27]. Based on this, the 1^st Infantry Regiment under Tarella and the Battalion of the Philhellenes under Dania, were placed at vital points at the foot of the hills. The enemy attack was successfully repulsed and the Ottomans retreated to Arta with many losses[28].

Representation of the battle of Kompoti. Work of Panagiotis Zografos, commissioned by General Makrygiannis (SHP Collection).

The Philhellenes left Kompoti, weakened by fatigue, illnesses, hunger and thirst, and moved during the night to Peta, where the Turks were gathering their forces. Other Greek forces arrived there and preparations for the battle began.

Disagreements arose in the war council of the leaders as to whether the irregulars or the Regular Army would be at the forefront of the Greek Forces, as well as whether or not to use fortifications (drums). Finally it was decided to form a perimeter towards Peta. Normann was dissatisfied with this decision and, realizing the difficult position of the Greek side, expressed his concerns in a letter to Mavrokordatos[29]. Although he was the leader of the Greek forces, was absent from the battlefield. He had set up his headquarters in Lagada, which was 6 hours away from Peta[30].

In his letter, Normann stressed that the regular soldiers numbered only 515[31]. He also expressed his fear that Bacolas would abandon the Greeks and that the irregulars were unable to offer their support. Mavrokordatos did not take advantage of this experienced officer and insisted on his own plans. The Philhellenes accepted them out of respect[32].

Regarding the second part, the construction of the fortifications was finally imposed, which, as foreign sources confirm, were also used by the Philhellenes, despite Dania’s position, that “our tambourines are our chests”[33].

Another major problem was the lack of discipline and coordination of the troops. After the battle of Kompoti, Gennaios Kolokotronis returned to Peloponnese with his troops, by order of his father, an act for which he was criticized[34]. At the same time, 1.200 fighters left to the north to help the Souliotes. This unit comprised Markos Botsaris, Karatasos, Angelis Gatsos, Georgios Varnakiotis, Alexakis Vlachopoulos and Andreas Iskos. However, they failed to reach Souli and were stopped by the Turks in Plaka, on June 29, 1822. Those who survived returned to Peta. Gogos Bacolas had planned to drag Markos Botsaris to Souli, to trap him in Plaka by the Turks[35].

On the day of the battle of Peta, a unit of Maniates under Kyriakoulis Mavromichalis also arrived in Splantza to help the Greeks. But the unit did not arrive timely to integrate the Greek forces. The Souliote chiefs Lambros Veikos and Vassilios Zervas joined them and they confronted jointly the Ottomans who were sent to repel them. In this battle, Kyriakoulis Mavromichalis himself was killed fighting heroically[36].

All these moves lacked coordination and the Greek forces, that would face the main attack of the Turks, were not organized.

On the morning of July 4, 1822, 7.000 – 8.000 Ottomans who had arrived from Arta, attacked the Greek positions. Normann warmly encouraged the men of the Regular Army and inspected all positions on horseback.

Initially, the Philhellenes and the Regular Army successfully repulsed the enemy. The continuous and coordinated shots caused serious losses to the attackers. A factor of success of this war tactic, is the composure of the soldiers, the constant and fast reloading of their weapons, the incessant firing and the maintenance of the positions without breaking their ranks. The 1st Infantry Regiment and the Battalion of the Philhellenes were an impenetrable wall, as the training which was given previously to them by Baleste (the founder of the first Regular Army in Greece) bore fruit[37].

Representation of the Battle of Peta. Work of Panagiotis Zografos, commissioned by General Makrygiannis (SHP Collection).

But suddenly a fatal thing happened. Bacolas and his men treacherously left their positions, allowing the Turks to break the lines of the 1st Infantry Regiment and the Battalion of the Philhellenes[38]. Tarella was trying to cheer the men of his Regiment. Finally he was surrounded by the Ottomans, who beheaded him[39]. Mierzewski fought bravely on the front line until the end.

General Normann, the glorious Philhellene, undertook the command of the 1st Infantry Regiment, and led it back into battle, encouraging them: “For the salvation of the Philhellenes! Victory or death”!  In the raid that followed, he was wounded in the chest and taken to the rear to treat his serious injury[40].

Gradually the Regiment began to recede and was now an easy target for the Turkish cavalry. The Philhellenes were abandoned by the irregulars. The Philhellenes and the Greeks for the Ionian islands suffered a disaster. They were surrounded by the enemy at an exposed point and decimated.

Scenes of exemplary heroism unfolded. Dania, was cheering the soldiers of the Battalion of the Philhellenes until the end. He was surrounded by the Ottomans who beheaded him[41].

Mierzewski, leading 15 Polish soldiers of the 2nd Company of the Battalion of Philhellenes, fortified in the church of St. George in the center of Peta and, fighting heroically, he tried to facilitate the retreat of the Greek Forces[42].In fact, the Polish soldiers fought even from the roof of the church. The Ottomans finally set it on fire, as it was impossible to vanquish them. They all fell heroically[43].

The French Captain of the French Army Jean Mignac, officer of the 1^st Infantry Regiment, fought with unparalleled bravery. The Turks tried to capture him, taking him, because of his impressive uniform for General Normann. Refusing to surrender, he fought heroically. Wounded all over his body, he confronted the Ottomans leaning on the trunk of an olive tree. Surrounded by a multitude of enemies, he neutralized 14 of them[44]. When his sword broke, he committed suicide cutting his throat[45].

From the volunteers of the Regular Army, 160 Greeks form Ionian islands and Philhellenes fell heroically. Many were taken prisoners to Arta and killed after horrific tortures and brutal humiliation. Many Philhellenes were forced to walk naked for hours, holding in their hands the heads of their comrades[46].

The few survivors gathered in Lagada, among them the tragic figure of the noble hero General Normann, who, as after the battle of Kompoti, arrived last in the camp and was presented to Mavrokordatos, to whom he stated: “We lost everything, Your Highness, except our honor”![47]. The 1^st Infantry Regiment, the Battalion of the Philhellenes and a large number of enthusiastic European Philhellenes and Greeks for the Ionian islands no longer existed.

Monument in Peta in honor of the fallen Philhellenes on July 4, 1822.

Polish officer Franciszek Mierzewski, and his Polish comrades, were among the most heroic figures in the Battle of Peta.

Greece and SHP honor the glorious memory of Franciszek Mierzewski and his heroic comrades-in-arms, who fought to the end for the Freedom of the Greeks and are eternally grateful for their sacrifice.

References

[1] Grab, Alexander, “Napoleon and the Transformation of Europe”, εκδ. McMillan, Νέα Υόρκη, 2003, σελ. 180.
[2] Sinko, Thadeusz, “Udzial Polakow w bojach I pracach Hellady”, εκδ. περ. “Przeglad Wspolczesny”, Βαρσοβία, 1932, τεύχος 125, σελ. 285.
[3] Kwaśniewski, Włodzimierz, “Dzieje szabli w Polsce”, εκδ. Bellona, Βαρσοβία, 1999.
[4] Nieuważny, Andrzej, “Najpiękniejsza z szarż”, εκδ. περ. “Rzeczpospolita“, Βαρσοβία, 2006, τεύχος 123.
[5] Pawly, Ronald, “Napoleon’s Polish Lancers of the Imperial Guard”, εκδ. Osprey Publishing, Λονδίνο, 2007.
[6] Chłapowski, Dezydery, “Memoirs of a Polish Lancer”, εκδ. Emperor’s Press, Chicago, 1992.
[7] Brandys, Marian, “Kozietulski i inni”, εκδ. Iskry, Βαρσοβία, 1982, σελ. 222.
[8] Βλ. στο ίδιο, σελ. 225.
[9] Chłapowski, Dezydery,”Memoirs of a Polish Lancer”, εκδ. Emperor’s Press, Chicago, 1992.
[10] Brandys, Marian, “Kozietulski i inni”, εκδ. Iskry, Βαρσοβία, 1982, σελ. 271.
[11] Kukiel, Marian, “Dzieje oręża polskiego w epoce napoleońskiej 1795-1815”, εκδ. Kurpisz, Poznań, 1912.
[12] Συλλογικό, “Greckie źródła do dziejów Rzeczypospolitej”, εκδ. Hellenopolonica, Αθήνα, 2014.
[13] Lieven, Dominic, “Russia Against Napoleon: The True Story of the Campaigns of War and Peace”, εκδ. Penguin, Λονδίνο, 2010, σελ. 484.
[14] Pawly, Ronald, “Napoleon’s Polish Lancers of the Imperial Guard”, εκδ. Osprey Publishing, Λονδίνο, 2007.
[15] Kukiel, Marian, “Dzieje oręża polskiego w epoce napoleońskiej 1795-1815”, εκδ. Kurpisz, Poznań, 1912, σελ. 468.
[16] Συλλογικό, “Greckie źródła do dziejów Rzeczypospolitej”, εκδ. Hellenopolonica, Αθήνα, 2014.
[17] Chandler, David, “Waterloo: The Hundred Days”, εκδ. Osprey Publishing, Λονδίνο, 1981.
[18] Kukiel, Marian, “Dzieje oręża polskiego w epoce napoleońskiej 1795-1815”, εκδ. Kurpisz, Poznań, 1912, σελ. 470.
[19] Βλ. στο ίδιο, σελ. 475.
[20] Alexander, Robert S., “Bonapartism and Revolutionary Tradition in France: The Federes of 1815”, εκδ. Cambridge University Press, Λονδίνο, 1991.
[21] Pawly, Ronald, “Napoleon’s Polish Lancers of the Imperial Guard”, εκδ. Osprey Publishing, Λονδίνο, 2007.
[22] Barth, Wilhelm – Kehrig-Korn, Max, “Die Philhellenenzeit. Von der Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts bis zur Ermordung Kapodistrias‘ am 9. Oktober 1831”, εκδ. Max Hueber Verlag, Μόναχο, 1960, σελ. 44.
[23] Διεύθυνση Ιστορίας Στρατού, “Η ιστορία του Ελληνικού Στρατού”, εκδ. Γενικό Επιτελείο Στρατού, Αθήνα, 1997.
[24] Elster, Daniel – Johann, “Το Τάγμα των Φιλελλήνων. Η ίδρυση, η εκστρατεία και η καταστροφή του”, εκδ. Ιστορική και Εθνολογική Εταιρεία της Ελλάδος, Αθήνα, 2010.
[25] “Ιστορικόν Αρχείον Αλεξάνδρου Μαυροκορδάτου”, επιμ. Εμμ. Πρωτοψάλτης, Γενικά Αρχεία του Κράτους, Αθήνα, τόμος 1, φακ. 197, σελ. 254.
[26] Κουτσονίκας, Λάμπρος, “Γενική Ιστορία της Ελληνικής Επαναστάσεως”, εκδ. Δ. Καρακατζάνη, Αθήνα, 1863, δ’ τόμος, σελ. 177.
[27] Βυζάντιος Χρήστος, “Ιστορία των κατά την Ελληνικήν Επανάστασιν εκστρατειών και μαχών και των μετά ταύτα συμβάντων, ων συμμετέσχεν ο Τακτικός Στρατός, από του 1821 μέχρι του 1833”, εκδ. Κ. Αντωνιάδου, Αθήνα, 1874, σελ. 203.
[28] Συλλογικό, “Ιστορία του Ελληνικού Έθνους”, εκδ. Εκδοτική Αθηνών, Αθήνα, 2000, 12ος τόμος, σελ. 232.
[29] “Ιστορικόν Αρχείον Αλεξάνδρου Μαυροκορδάτου”, επιμ. Εμμ. Πρωτοψάλτης, Γενικά Αρχεία του Κράτους, Αθήνα, τόμος 2, φακ. 548, σελ. 135.
[30] Φωτιάδης, Δημήτρης, “Η Επανάσταση του ’21”, εκδ. Μέλισσα, Αθήνα, 1971, β’ τόμος, σελ. 211.
[31] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[32] Woodhouse, Christopher Montague, “The Philhellenes”, εκδ. Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, Madison, 1971.
[33] Βλ. στο ίδιο.
[34] Κολοκοτρώνης, Γενναίος, “Απομνημονεύματα”, εκδ. Βεργίνα, Αθήνα, 2006.
[35] Voutier, Olivier, “Απομνημονεύματα του συνταγματάρχη Olivier Voutier από τον πόλεμο των Ελλήνων”, μετ. Ειρήνη Τζουρά, επιμ. Παναγιώτα Παναρίτη, εκδ. Εθνικό Ιστορικό Μουσείο, Αθήνα, 2019.
[36] Περραιβός, Χριστόφορος, “Πολεμικά Απομνημονεύματα. Μάχες του Σουλίου και της Ανατολικής Ελλάδας 1820 -1829”, εκδ. Βεργίνα, Αθήνα, 2003, σελ. 160.
[37] St Clair, William, “That Greece Might Still be Free: The Philhellenes in the War of Independence”, εκδ. Open Books, Λονδίνο, 2008, σελ. 277.
[38] Κουτσονίκας, Λάμπρος, “Γενική Ιστορία της Ελληνικής Επαναστάσεως”, εκδ. Δ. Καρακατζάνη, Αθήνα, 1863, δ’ τόμος, σελ. 178.
[39] St Clair, William, “That Greece Might Still be Free: The Philhellenes in the War of Independence”, εκδ. Open Books, Λονδίνο, 2008.
[40] Gridley Howe, Samuel, “An Historical Sketch of the Greek Revolution”, εκδ. White, Gallaher & White, Νέα Υόρκη, 1828.
[41] Fassino, Pier Giorgio, “Andrea Dania”, εκδ. περ.”Accademia Urbense”, Ovada, Σεπτέμβριος 2006, σελ. 188.
[42] Συλλογικό, “Greckie źródła do dziejów Rzeczypospolitej”, εκδ. Hellenopolonica, Αθήνα, 2014.
[43] Treiber, Heinrich, “Αναμνήσεις από την Ελλάδα 1822-1828”, επιμ. δρ. Χρήστος Ν. Αποστολίδης, ιδ. εκδ., Αθήνα, 1960.
[44] Pouqueville. F.C.H.L., “Histoire de la régénération de la Grèce, 1740-1824”, επιμ. Albert Schott, J. P. von Hornthal, εκδ. Univ.- Bibl. Heidelberg, Χαϊδελβέργη, 1825.
[45] Raybaud Maxime, “Mémoires sur la Grèce pour servir à l’histoire de la guerre de l’Indépendance, accompagnés de plans topographiques, avec une introduction historique par Alph. Rabbe”, εκδ. Tournachon-Molin Libraire, Παρίσι, 1824, τόμος 1.
[46] Στο ίδιο.
[47] Στο ίδιο.

Bibliography – sources

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• Pawly, Ronald, “Napoleon’s Polish Lancers of the Imperial Guard“, εκδ. Osprey Publishing, Λονδίνο, 2007.
• Chłapowski, Dezydery, “Memoirs of a Polish Lancer“, εκδ. Emperor’s Press, Chicago, 1992.
• Brandys, Marian, “Kozietulski i inni“, εκδ. Iskry, Βαρσοβία, 1982.
• Kukiel, Marian, “Dzieje oręża polskiego w epoce napoleońskiej 1795-1815“, εκδ. Kurpisz, Poznań, 1912.
• Lieven, Dominic, “Russia Against Napoleon: The True Story of the Campaigns of War and Peace“, εκδ. Penguin, Λονδίνο, 2010.
• Chandler, David, “Waterloo: The Hundred Days“, εκδ. Osprey Publishing, Λονδίνο, 1981.
• Alexander, Robert S., “Bonapartism and Revolutionary Tradition in France: The Federes of 1815“, εκδ. Cambridge University Press, Λονδίνο, 1991.
• Barth, Wilhelm – Kehrig-Korn, Max, “Die Philhellenenzeit. Von der Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts bis zur Ermordung Kapodistrias‘ am 9. Oktober 1831“, εκδ. Max Hueber Verlag, Μόναχο, 1960.
• Διεύθυνση Ιστορίας Στρατού, “Η ιστορία του Ελληνικού Στρατού”, εκδ. Γενικό Επιτελείο Στρατού, Αθήνα, 1997.
• Elster, Daniel – Johann, “Το Τάγμα των Φιλελλήνων. Η ίδρυση, η εκστρατεία και η καταστροφή του“, εκδ. Ιστορική και Εθνολογική Εταιρεία της Ελλάδος, Αθήνα, 2010.
• “Ιστορικόν Αρχείον Αλεξάνδρου Μαυροκορδάτου“, επιμ. Εμμ. Πρωτοψάλτης, Γενικά Αρχεία του Κράτους, Αθήνα, τόμος 1, φακ. 197.
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• Βυζάντιος Χρήστος, “Ιστορία των κατά την Ελληνικήν Επανάστασιν εκστρατειών και μαχών και των μετά ταύτα συμβάντων, ων συμμετέσχεν ο Τακτικός Στρατός, από του 1821 μέχρι του 1833 “, εκδ. Κ. Αντωνιάδου, Αθήνα, 1874.
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• “Ιστορικόν Αρχείον Αλεξάνδρου Μαυροκορδάτου“, επιμ. Εμμ. Πρωτοψάλτης, Γενικά Αρχεία του Κράτους, Αθήνα, τόμος 2, φακ. 548.
• Φωτιάδης, Δημήτρης, “Η Επανάσταση του ’21“, εκδ. Μέλισσα, Αθήνα, 1971, β’ τόμος.
• Woodhouse, Christopher Montague, “The Philhellenes“, εκδ. Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, Madison, 1971.
• Κολοκοτρώνης, Γενναίος, “Απομνημονεύματα“, εκδ. Βεργίνα, Αθήνα, 2006.
• Voutier, Olivier, “Απομνημονεύματα του συνταγματάρχη Olivier Voutier από τον πόλεμο των Ελλήνων“, μετ. Ειρήνη Τζουρά, επιμ. Παναγιώτα Παναρίτη, εκδ. Εθνικό Ιστορικό Μουσείο, Αθήνα, 2019.
• Περραιβός, Χριστόφορος, “Πολεμικά Απομνημονεύματα. Μάχες του Σουλίου και της Ανατολικής Ελλάδας 1820 -1829“, εκδ. Βεργίνα, Αθήνα, 2003
• St Clair, William, “That Greece Might Still be Free: The Philhellenes in the War of Independence“, εκδ. Open Books, Λονδίνο, 2008.
• Gridley Howe, Samuel, “An Historical Sketch of the Greek Revolution“, εκδ. White, Gallaher & White, Νέα Υόρκη, 1828.
• Fassino, Pier Giorgio, “Andrea Dania“, εκδ. περ.”Accademia Urbense”, Ovada, Σεπτέμβριος 2006.
• Treiber, Heinrich, “Αναμνήσεις από την Ελλάδα 1822-1828“, επιμ. δρ. Χρήστος Ν. Αποστολίδης, ιδ. εκδ. , Αθήνα, 1960.
• Pouqueville. F.C.H.L., “Histoire de la régénération de la Grèce, 1740-1824“, επιμ. Albert Schott, J. P. von Hornthal, εκδ. Univ.- Bibl. Heidelberg, Χαϊδελβέργη, 1825.
• Raybaud Maxime, “Mémoires sur la Grèce pour servir à l’histoire de la guerre de l’Indépendance, accompagnés de plans topographiques, avec une introduction historique par Alph. Rabbe “, εκδ. Tournachon-Molin Libraire, Παρίσι, 1824, τόμος 1.