by Georgios Argyrakos

European philhellenism, as a historical phenomenon, has a “persistent” character, because it appears since Roman times and continues in various forms in Byzantium, in Medieval Europe, in the Orthodox Slavic world, and again in the context of Humanism and Enlightenment, etc. This accumulation of many centuries of philhellenic capital, activated a variety of incentives for philhellenic action during the Greek Revolution. One of these incentives that derives from the foundation of the European civilization, was the interest for the human being who fights for freedom. This was the view of thousands of anonymous and known Philhellenes who perceived the Revolution through this particular angle, one of which is concerned by this article.

The Swiss doctor Louis-André Gosse (1791-1873), was a typical example of a selfless Philhellene who offered a lot to Greece, purely for ideological reasons. He sacrificed his personal comfort and almost his life, just in order for him to help people who were fighting and suffering for their freedom and their rights. He did not fight with the sword and the rifle, but with a box of surgical tools (one of the few that existed in Greece at that time), and with his knowledge and organizational abilities.

Gosse [1] was a well-known doctor in Geneva, with liberal beliefs. He was the son of the pharmacist Henri Albert Gosse, one of the founders of the Swiss Society of Natural Sciences. He studied medicine in Paris, from where he graduated in 1816. Since then, he toured Europe (Italy, Austria, the Netherlands, England and Ireland) and in 1820 he returned to Geneva, where he practiced medicine. He was politically active in the Liberal Party, through which he proposed the abolition of the public shaming of criminals and the withdrawal of various anti-Semitic measures. He was a co-founder and columnist of the «Journal de Genève», which was published on January 1826, onwards.

This journal published often news from the Greek Revolution and his letters from Greece. For the liberal circles of Europe, Greece was the last bastion in the fight for civil liberties after the suppression of the revolutions in Naples, Piedmont and Spain by the Holy Alliance. At the same time Greece was the battlefield between two worlds: A Christian European nation against a Muslim empire.

Since 1825, when Egyptian troops landed in the Peloponnese, the situation of the revolutionaries deteriorated, not to mention the disputes between them. The attempted genocide committed by the Egyptians in collaboration with the Turks, and the occupation of Messolonghi (April 22, 1826) revived the philhellenic interest in Europe, after a period of recession.

Previously, the first moves for the diplomatic recognition of the provisional Greek government had been made, while negotiations had begun between the Great Powers for military intervention in Greece. On April 4, 1826, Great Britain and Russia concluded the Anglo-Russian Protocol of St. Petersburg, which even provided for military intervention. This treaty accelerated the developments.

This was followed by the Treaty of London on July 6, 1827, which assigned a joint naval force of Great Britain, France and Russia to the Peloponnese. The treaty imposed a cessation of hostilities and provided for the use of military force in the event of non-compliance by both parties.

From the moment the Porte refused to accept the Treaty, the conflict was inevitable. It was the world’s first great intervention for humanitarian reasons, and more precisely, a demonstration of the European entity, on the basis of the same values ​​on which the European construction is still based.

While this was happening and the Revolution was in a state of disarray, Gosse decided to abandon his brilliant career and his comfortable life in Geneva in order for him to come in Greece. His decision was supported by the great Swiss Philhellene Jean Gabriel Eynard. He was a great leader of the philhellenic movement, not only in Switzerland but also of the whole Europe. In this endeavour, he had Capodistrias and the Archbishop of Hungary, Ignatius, as valuable collaborators. Eynard was collecting significant aid for Greece, and needed some trustworthy people to manage it on the field.

Gosse writes that his eagerness to come to Greece ignited one day in 1826 when Eynard showed him a moving letter from the widow of Markos Botsaris (Bouvier-Bron, p. 345). The Swiss banker soon decided that Gosse was capable of undertaking thetransport and management of a generous financial and military aid in Greece which was that raised in favor of the Greek fleet. Other trustees who had been assigned a similar role by philhellenic committees, were Dr. Bailly for the Paris Committee and Colonel Heideck for Bavaria.

Gosse would become the right hand man of Lord Cochrane who had been appointed Commander of the Greek fleet by the National Assembly of Τroizina (March – May 1827). Eynard took over all the expenses of Gosse’s mission.

Prior to his departure, Gosse met with Cochrane, who was passing through Geneva, and with Kapodistrias.

From the latter, he received information about the dire situation in which Greece was. He departed from France on December 20, 1827, he crossed the Mont-Cenis Alpine crossing at night, by sleigh, and went to Italy.

On December 31 he left Ancona and after a difficult trip, he arrived in Zakynthos on January 16, 1828, exhausted by the turbulence of the sea and the fumes from the fermentation of the flour carried by the ship.

On February 2, he went to Nafplio, which was the base of the revolutionary government and at the same time a source of intra-Greek friction. There, he met the French doctor Bailly.

His main purpose was to distribute the aid he carried, in money, weapons and food. It is often argued that the Egyptians prevailed over the Greek revolutionaries, because they were more organized as a regular army with French trainers.

According to certain sources, however, it seems that the problem of the Greeks was primarily the lack of food and ammunition. After six years of continuous war, domestic agricultural production had been wiped out due to a reduction of human resources and the destruction of crops and infrastructure.

At the same time, land transports were blocked. On February 27, 1827, the president of the Third National Assembly in Ermioni, G. Sisinis, wrote to Gosse about the terrible lack of food in the military campuses in Attica, which were in danger of being dismantled because of the famine.

He asks him to send to Karaiskakis to Elefsina 40-50 thousand ounces of flour from the one donated by the philhellenic committees of Europe. Gosse, who had immediately started working on the aid management committee, agrees and in 4 days, he sends 80 thousand ounces of corn by boat from Hydra.

On April 4, Karaiskakis wrote from Keratsini to the government that it was high time that the enemy should be stroked because at that moment, he was weaker than ever. But the army needs 7 thousand ounces of flour per day, as more Souliotes and Peloponnesians come to help. Αlso, 50-100 thousand bullet packs were needed (Vakalopoulos, pp. 114-116, See Archive of National Rebirth, Vol. 3, pp. 352. 388).

Due to the unrest that prevailed in the Peloponnese, Gosse preferred to settle in Hydra initially, and to offload the abovementioned aid in warehouses there. It seems that captains like Miaoulis disagreed with this decision, who preferred to store the aid in Poros. In March 1827, Cochrane arrived in Greece and Gosse was appointed head of the logistics   of the fleet. Τhe warehouses where the aid was stored, were finally transferred to Poros, where a small port was established. Poros is described by Gosse as an oasis of calm in the belligerent Greece. The supplies are managed by a committee, which, apart from Gosse and Bailly, it also includes Heideck, Koering, and the Milanese exiled, Porro.

The money of the aid is used to buy grain, coming from Russia and Poland via Odessa. Money is also sent for the repair of the steamer frigate “Karteria” and other ships of the Greek fleet.

At the same time, Goose offers his medical services to the fighting Greeks who were trying to recapture Athens and other parts of Attica. He was one of the doctors who tried in vain to save the life of Karaiskakis after the battle of Faliro (April 22-23, 1827). He then took care of other wounded soldiers and, with the help of a young English surgeon, he proceeded to two mutilations in the admiral’s camp. He writes that while he was effecting these mutilations (it was a horrible procedure, only with the use of a saw and without anesthesia), some people went to him asking for food. Since he did not have ink and a pen available, he signed food coupons using the blood of the wounded patients for ink and matches for a pen. A few months later he tried in vain to save the 18-year-old Paul Marie Bonaparte, nephew of Napoleon, who accidentally, but seriously injured himself with a pistol, while he was  cleaning it in the flagship frigate “Hellas” in Nafplio (Bouvier-Bron, 346).

After the failure to retake Athens and the defeat of the Greeks at Faliro, supplies and money were exhausted. On May 31, 1827, Heideck wrote to Eynard that the committee’s money were spent. Under the circumstances, the government decided to impose taxes to the islands but also to borrow from wealthy merchants, in order to support the operation of the fleet, since there was no officially independent Greek state, yet. Cochrane appointed Gosse in charge of tax collection from the islands. Because tax revenues were meager, he is assigned to ask for a loan from the merchants of Syros.

And this proves difficult, as the repayment of the loan is as uncertain as the future of the Revolution and the merchants are protected by the consulates of various European powers.

After complex negotiations with the various agents of the islands, Gosse managed to raise an amount.[2] Goose handed over part of this amount to Cochrane, and with the remainder, he organized a flotilla of two schooners and two gunboats, to fight piracy and raids by isolated Turkish, but also Greek ships. Thus Gosse, from being a doctor in the country of the Alps, he turned to a naval commander in the Aegean, further to a decision of the “Secretariat of the Navy” in June 1827. He was quite successful in this task, because Kapodistrias, in a letter dated back to March 20, 1828, recognized Gosse as an expert in naval matters and recommended Gosse to Hastings, the Philhellene captain, who was looking for officers for small ships.

In the meantime, the Swiss philhellenes continued to send weapons, money and other supplies. Gosse keeps records of the revenues and the expenses, such as expenses for salaries, purchase of food and animal feed, purchase of gunpowder, etc. At the same time, Goσse accepts requests to help Greek refugees from various areas occupied by the Turks (Vakalopoulos, 142, 143). Gosse himself describes the various occupations he had in Greece:

«I have become a real harlequin by being a conciliator, counselor, coordinator, general commissioner, treasurer, merchant, secretary, doctor. My heart has not changed, I assure you, and it will not change at all, despite the force of events, despite the contradictions …».

With external help, a small 35-ton boat is built in Poros, others are repaired, fortifications are built, and a  workshop to produce rusks (dry bread) is established (which was then a major supply for the army and navy). Other financial resources were used for the purchase of surgical tools and medicines, for helping philhellenes, etc.

In the midst of his career as a «Supply and Transportation» officer, Gosse found time to serve as a doctor at «Karteria», and participated on the battlefield which destroyed several Turkish ships in the Gulf of Itea (September 17, 1827). From Gosse’s service in «Karteria» a catalogue with the names of 94 crew members, mainly Greeks, English and Swedish is available (Vakalopoulos, pp. 155, 156).

The following month, the famous naval battle of Navarino took place, offering a new potential for an independent Greek state. The Treaty of London provided that the state borders would be defined later. Thus, in areas such as the Aegean islands, the Western Greece and Crete, the revolutionary spirit was rekindled, because people understood that they were in danger of remaining within the Ottoman Empire during the forthcoming processes.

Inhabitants of Chios who had taken refuge in Syros and other islands, with the help of French military under the command of Fabvier and Cochrane, organized a campaign to retake Chios in October 1827. Gosse helped their attempt as well, and in fact, he participated in the landing in the Turkish-occupied Chios. There, he risked his life due to the negligence of some of Fabvier’s officers. The two Frenchmen who accompanied him on a reconnaissance mission on land, left him alone in an area that was within the vicinity of the Turkish artillery of the castle of Chios. There, a shot took his hat away and forced him to leave in fear. Finally the campaign in Chios failed, mainly due to the inability of the Greek forces (regular and non-regular), and the locals to coordinate and adopt a joint plan. Fabvier was then ordered by the French Admiral de Rigny (Derigny) to leave, as the Greek Provisional Government could not support the campaign. Thus, Chios was not included in the new Greek state.

Louis-André Gosse, at an older age. Lithograph. SHP Collection / Philhellenism Museum

The plague epidemic

Gosse risked his life for the second (at least) time during the plague epidemic which appeared in the Argolic Gulf and in the villages of Achaia. The epidemic started from the expeditionary force of the Ottoman Egyptians in Methoni. A large number of European doctors (mainly French and Italian) served under Ibrahim Pasha, but they were late in diagnosing the disease. Because of the exchange of prisoners and other movements of the population, the plague epidemic first appeared in the summer of 1828, in Aegina, and then in Hydra, in Megara, in Nafplio, in other surrounding areas and in some villages of Achaia.

There was probably a simultaneous outbreak of another disease, referred in the sources of the time as «malignant fever», from which Gosse was also infected. The population was in general weakened from hunger and hardships, and was vulnerable to all kinds of diseases that were almost endemic, such as malaria, typhus, etc.

Gosse’s most important contribution to Greece was that he helped to limit the effect of the epidemic. Kapodistrias’ perspicacity and personal interest also contributed to this, as he hastened to give the Swiss doctor the necessary power, which in practice corresponded to the function of a «minister of health». The governor of Greece had himself a medical background from his studies in Padua (1794-1797).

Other doctors, as well as non-specialist citizens contributed to this battle; they manned the police and the quarantine services, the burial of the dead (the so-called «mortis»), the management of medicines, etc. Those who had studied in Italy or had medical experience from the Ionian Islands, knew and applied the quarantine measures that had been developed in the past by the Venetians, who had also founded the various «lazarettes» in the Balkans and Italy (Tsoucalas, 2021). After the outbreak of the epidemic, someone sent from Corfu to Aegina a “Sanitary Order” containing older but relevant instructions in Venetian, French, Tuscan and papal language. This formed the basis for drafting a Greek public health order for the occasion. Gosse states that «fortunately this health provision came too late», as he considered it useless and outdated (Gosse, pp. 168, 169).

It is doubtful whether foreign doctors from Northern Europe and America had ever seen victims of the plague closely. At least, Gosse mentions that in Hydra it was the first time he saw such a patient when the government called him there on this occasion and he was welcomed by Mavrokordatos himself. The latter (having also studied medicine), had already made the diagnosis: (To Gosse) “I warn you that it is a plague and I advise you to lubricate your hands”. The use of oil was a common practice for protection against the plague. Although Gosse considers it controversial, he believes that it is not completely useless (Gosse, pp. 122, 148). He describes that he approached the patient “like a soldier on the attack”, but was unable to save him.

Microbiology had not yet been developed before the 1860s and the factors that caused infectious diseases were not known (in the case of plague, it was a bacterium with intermediate hosts, rodents and fleas). However, it was known that socializing and sharing objects contributed to the spread of epidemic diseases, and isolation was a common treatment. Various medicines of the time may have helped to treat symptoms, such as fever, but not the basic cause of the epidemics.

One of the prevailing theories about epidemics was that they were caused by a «miasma» (miasma in the European medical terminology of the time) which was transmitted by air or through objects or by physical contact.

This theory had its roots in Hippocrates’ theories and was widespread in Europe throughout the Middle Ages and until the late 19th century. Gosse believed in this theory, which he confirmed from his observations in the field, and so he applied urgent isolation measures, including the construction of quarantine facilities. He produced a detailed record of his observations on the epidemic, and developed some new ideas for treatment. Apart from his book «Relation de la peste qui a régné en Grèce en 1827 et 1828», he recorded relevant details in reports and letters he sent to Kapodistrias, while collecting reports from other doctors. Among the officials of the interim government, Ioannis Kolettis, who was also a doctor, had an active role in the implementation of the public health measures. Other doctors, Greek and from abroad who were in Hydra, Poros, Spetses, Nafplio, Argos, Aegina, joined the fight against the invisible miasma. In the race against the invisible enemy, Gosse also collaborated with other European doctors who served in Ibrahim’s army, listing his names in a catalogue, as usual. The American Philhellene doctor Samuel Howe was in Greece at the same time and offered his services to the navy.

The Greek camp under Dimitrios Ypsilantis in Megarida, was affected, as were many civilians who had found refuge on the small peninsula in Vourkari, which was protected by the Wall. [3] Gosse went there to inspect the situation, assisted by the «smart and active» Pavlos Diamantidis. They also brought with them some basic medicines of the time, which Gosse mentions in a list along with the dosage: Emetics, which were tartaric acids for adults and ipecacuan syrup for children, caustic soda for cauterizing ulcers (fr. charbons) and inguinal lymph nodes, quinine for antipyretic, ammonia, sulfuric acid, herbs, including chamomile, mustard powder for «mustard-blister», honey, vinegar, lemons and oranges, syringes, scalpels, suction cups for bleeding, etc. (Bouvier, pp. 350). Gosse used a lot the sage that grew abundantly in the area as a medicine. Ιn rational terms, this did not have any pharmacological effect on plague (similarly with others), but it may had brought some relief to some patients, and at the same time, due to its previous boiling , it acted as a source of healthy water free of parasites, something hard to find under those conditions.

Ten years later, having gathered all his observations from the epidemic, he wrote that most of the treatments applied by him or other doctors, such as tartar cream (crème de tarter), bandages, acidic drinks, leeches, etc., did not bring any significant reduction in mortality, except the reduction of the cauterization of ulcers and inguinal lymph nodes with caustic potassium (sur les charbons et les bubons) which immediately stopped mortality (Gosse, pp. 142, 145). He also mentions the case of a «charlatan» in Chios who was giving patients a concoction that also contained a small amount of dried tissue from patients’ wounds. He found out that this homeopathic treatment did not work either. It was another time when academic medicine was not much more successful than empirical medicine.

In the small peninsula of the Wall, a miserable situation was prevailing as healthy people were living closely together with the sick and dying, without clean water under the terrible heat of «33 degrees Réaumur», ie 40 Celsius. He visited more than 60 patients, he cauterized the ulcers and administered emetics and quinine in several of them. He ordered the construction of temporary shelters made from branches, to protect the patients from the sun, which he placed at a distance of about 2 meters from each other, so that one could move between them without touching them. Similar quarantine facilities, but better planned, were erected in Aegina, designed by the Austrian consul, archaeologist and Philhellene Georg Christian Gropius (1776-1850). Incidentally, it should be noted that the latter’s great contribution to Greece was the rescue of many antiquities. [4] Gosse left Diamantidis at the Wall and returned to Poros, where the epidemic was adequately controlled by quarantine measures.

From his frequent contact with patients he also fell ill (not from plague) having fever and reaching on the verge of death many times. He went to the hospital to receive medical care, which was founded by the American Philhellenes Samuel Howe and John D. Russ, thanks to donations from American philhellenes in the USA. There, in a crisis of fever late at night, he decided to apply an original treatment to himself: to go boating. Dr. Russ believed that Gosse went crazy and tried to stop him. Following the patient’s insistence, Russ himself took him to a boat, gave him something refreshing, and they took a trip in the cool sea air. They went ashore near a monastery which disposed of a spring of cold water with which Gosse quenched his thirst and inflammation and managed to fall asleep after days of insomnia. He considered the spring water to be healing and sprinkled it in his room. He then moved to Syros and Naxos where he recovered.

Gosse returned to Poros where he worked to settle various issues, but, periodically, he was suffering from fever. As he writes, the inhabitants of Poros offered him great care, sending him supplies and letters of support: «Respected clergymen, ignoring the fact that I am a Protestant, they made public supplications for my recovery. … later, my socializing in Moria made me wholeheartedly appreciate the honesty of the vast majority of these people...» (Gosse, pp. xij). Of course, he does not fail to mention the intrigues and the moral collapse that prevailed among a few powerful people. His morale was then undermined and he began to think about returning to Switzerland. His mother, to whom he had a lavish affection, encouraged his thought of returning to Switzerland through her letters.

Prior to this return, he undertook a new inspection mission in another center of the epidemic, Achaia, where he was interested in investigating the course of the disease in a cold mountain climate. Gosse left Aegina on Christmas Day 1828, crossing the Isthmus of Corinth and continued to Patras by sea. After meeting with French officers of General Maison, he headed to the mountains of Kalavrita. Through snowy landscapes on January 4, he arrived to the village of Visoka, after being in danger of the cold and his fever in the mountains. He examined a number of patients and gave instructions for the application of health measures, but the disease disappeared on its own at the end of the winter.

Summing up the description of the epidemic, Gosse notes that out of the 1113 patients he identified, 783 died and 330 survived. In some areas the mortality was 100%, such as in the Megara camp and in Liguria, Argolis, while in others it was lower. For example, it was 50% in the city of Argos, and even lower in the Wall (Vakalopoulos, catalogue, pp. 205). The disease subsided in the spring of 1829, in his opinion thanks to the climate of Greece and the sparse population.

«Mission completed»

Towards the end of 1828 Gosse’s financial resources were exhausted and Goose was helped by the Epirote merchant of Syra, Apostolos Doumas, as well as by Count Frangopoulos of Naxos. For being treated so well, he wrote “I reaped the fruits of my devotion [to Greeks] and recognized that the reputation that Greeks are ungrateful is unfounded” (Gosse, p. Xj).

Gosse was even in need of borrowing 2,000 piastra from Viaros Kapodistrias. Ioannis Kapodistrias managed to extend Gosse’s stay in Greece because he was in great need of such qualified executive officers. He even wrote to his mother in order for her to give her approval to extend her son’s stay in Greece. Gosse, exhausted by his illness and financial problems, having done his duty as a doctor and administrator of the philhellenic aid, he decided to return to his homeland and rest. He left Greece in the summer of 1829. Kapodistrias expressed his gratitude in writing for the services he had offered. He was declared an honorary citizen of Kalavrita, Poros and Athens (which has not yet managed to give his name to a street). From Switzerland, he continued to correspond with friends in Greece and to be interested in Greek affairs. He continued his cooperation with Eynard who continued to send financial aid to Greece, although by the middle of 1829 the philhellenic alacrity of the Europeans was fading. After all, Greece had secured its independence, while the heroic battles and sacrifices of the Greeks, which were feeding the philhellenism of the West in the past, were diminished.

However, philhellenism continued in a different form. It aimed mainly at the acquisition and liberation of Greek slaves from the slave markets of the Mediterranean (Eynard and Ludwig I also played an important role at this time, too).

In 1838 Gosse visited Greece with his wife and King Othon honored him with the medal of the Struggle and the silver Cross of the Redeemer. The same year he published his observations from the plague epidemic in Greece. There, he summarized the findings of the already existing literature on the treatment of the plague, the treatments and the quarantine measures applied in various plague areas of Greece, statistics, etc.

It is an interesting text that concerns the history of medicine in modern Greece.


The case of Andre Louis Gosse shows one of the many aspects of philhellenism of 1821. He was neither an admirer of ancient Greece, nor a «romantic», he was not an Enlightenment intellectual, nor was he an Orthodox with a Byzantine education. He was a liberal man who enthusiastically viewed the national movements of the post-Napoleonic era, and at the same time, being himself a physician, he was sympathetic towards the daily needs of the people who were the subject of these movements. The Greek reality did not disappoint him and he did not lose his enthusiasm like other former philhellenes did. He was observing and noting the intra-Greek rivalries and the shortcomings of the local leaders, but he was dealing with them with compassion. He attributes these phenomena to the previous slavery and oppression by the Turks, and he was generally refers in a very positive way to the Greeks. Undoubtedly, he knew that similar or even worse things had happened in the recent French Revolution and its aftermath, while the worst of all was the Napoleonic Wars, which was in fact a civil war between Europeans.

Among the two main areas in which he worked, his most important contribution was perhaps in the field of the philhellenic aid management and the administration of certain government mechanisms. The big issue at that time (and maybe, an eternal one) in Greece, was morally sound people to be present in order for them to manage the existing financial capital without it being wasted by corruption.

His medical work was also very important, but it is questionable whether he was irreplaceable in this discipline, or not. Probably other Philhellenes and Greek doctors could have offered equally the same with what he offered, given that they (especially the Greeks) had more experience in epidemics in similar conditions in Greece. Possibly, however, the glamor of the «doctor from Switzerland» offered Gosse a prestige that Greek doctors did not have.

Vakalopoulos nicely summarizes Gosse’s contribution in the final paragraph of his dissertation on Swiss philhellenism:

Gosse, like Eynard, are two striking examples of Europeans who, despite their strong philhellenic consciousness, they face the local problems with concreteness and restrained optimism. Their attitude towards Greeks is the attitude of friends towards their beloved ones, who find it difficult to find their way, an attitude full of deep understanding of their miserable past, of mild strictness for some of their deflections and of sincere intention to help them in their great aim, which is the liberation of their homeland.”

Photo of the title of the Journal de Geneve, and news about the fundraise by Eynard, in favour of the Greeks, 23/3/1826.


[1] Louis-André Gosse should not be confused with the painter Nicolas Louis François Gosse (1787-1878) who also painted some paintings related to the Greek Revolution. The first is mentioned in ancient Greek sources as “Gos(s)is”.

[2] For a detailed description of taxation and lending efforts see Vakalopoulos, p. 121 et seq.

[3] Wall of Megarida. In his work Gosse refers to it as Tychos. Vakalopoulos has rendered it as “Τycho”, but I could not confirm that this is a historically correct name.

[4] Georg Christian Gropius must have been the ancestor of the architects, among which the most famous is Walter Gropius (1883 – 1969), father of the Bauhaus school. See «Gropius (family)», (Familie) with relevant bibliography. For G.C. Gropius there is the study of Emm. Protopsaltis «George Christian Gropius and his action in Greece», Athens, 1947.

Sources – Bibliography:

Bouvier-Bron, Michelle, “La mission médicale de Louis-André Gosse pendant son séjour en Grèce (1827-1829)”, Gesnerus: Swiss Journal of the history of medicine and sciences, 48 (1991), No. 3-4, pp 343- 357.

Gosse Louis-André, Relation de la peste qui a régné en Grèce en 1827 et 1828: contenant des vues nouvelles sur la marche et la traitement de cette maladie. Ab. Cherbuliez et Cie, Paris, 1838.

Tsoucalas Gregory et al., “The Greek physician and politician Ioannis Kapodistrias (1776-1831) and the plague of 1828 in Greece”, Le Infezioni in Medicina, 2021, 29(1):157-159.

Αρχεία της Εθνικής Παλιγγενεσίας, ψηφιοποιημένα στο

Βακαλόπουλος Α. Κωνσταντίνος, «Σχέσεις Ελλήνων και Ελβετών φιλελλήνων κατά την Ελληνική Επανάσταση του 1821», Διδακτορική Διατριβή, Ίδρυμα Μελετών Χερσονήσου του Αίμου, 163, Θεσσαλονίκη, 1975.